Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Making over : metamorphosis, taxonomy, vantage -- Prosopopeias: exceeding kind -- Temporality still -- Social algebras -- Scopic folding, layered economies -- The fixer -- Gender is as gender does : on the rebound -- Spurious displays -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Filmography -- Index
Using diverse theories and methods including analysis of online data, feminist critical discourse, fieldwork, grounded theory, and queer theory, this edited volume explores gender panic and policy in the United States as well as Argentina, Australia, Belarus, Japan, Russia, Sweden, and subnational populations. Contributors consider a range of issues from the meaning of learning to play the traditional female role in order to develop a contemporary heteronormative romantic relationship to the difficulties of fairly accommodating non-binary people in traditionally gendered settings or the problem of implementing a gender-neutral rape law in a prison system that is structurally gendered. Gendered policies pertaining, particularly, to women and their fertility as a result of panics over low birthrates are explored as are issues relating to the validation of and problems with binary gender categories in elite sports. The impact of UN gender equality initiatives including LGBT equality on nation-states is also examined.
Using diverse theories and methods including analysis of on-line data, feminist critical discourse, fieldwork, grounded theory, and queer theory, this volume explores gender panic and policy in the United States and beyond.
Gender discrimination can be overt & deliberate. It can be covert & indeliberate. In the latter case it is called 'asymmetry.' The gender studies community aims to reveal & eliminate any forms of gender asymmetry. However, insufficient methodological & theoretical reflection implies the reproduction of gender asymmetry throughout gender studies. Adapted from the source document.
Aus der gegenwärtigen Debatte um Gender Mainstreaming (GM) lässt sich nach Einschätzung der Autorin die Notwendigkeit ableiten, ein nicht-essenzialistisches, offenes und transitives Gender-Konzept zu vermitteln, d.h. ein Konzept, welches systematisch Gender in komplexen und simultanen Beziehungen zu anderen sozialen Kategorien wie Herkunft, Klasse, Alter, sexuelle Orientierung usw. begreift und eine Loslösung von der Vorstellung einer natürlichen Zweigeschlechtlichkeit vollzieht. Wie kann dieser Anspruch praktisch umgesetzt und eine Vereindeutigung von Geschlecht in Gender-Trainings vermieden werden? Die Autorin geht dieser Frage anhand von spezifischen Inhalten von Gender- Trainings nach. Diese haben zum Ziel, auf individuell-persönlicher und sozial-interaktiver Ebene geschlechterbezogene Kompetenzen zu fördern sowie Sachinformationen und Methoden zur Umsetzung von GM in der eigenen Arbeit zu vermitteln. Als Qualifizierungsmaßnahme nehmen Gender-Trainings in der Vermittlung der Strategie einen zentralen Stellenwert ein und bilden gleichzeitig einen zentralen Schnittpunkt zwischen Wissenschaft und Praxis. Die Autorin diskutiert vor diesem Hintergrund einige Vorschläge zur Vermittlung eines offenen und transitiven Konzeptes in Gender-Trainings. (ICI2)
Nicht nur genderpolitisch unumwunden rückwärtsgewandte, sondern auch vermeintlich liberale Beiträge missverstehen Butler. Dazu zwei aktuelle Beispiele: die mediale Repräsentation der Transsexuellen Caitlyn Jenner und die der Eurovision Song Contest-Gewinnerin von 2014, Conchita Wurst. Im Fall von Jenner gerät über die Begeisterung für den erfolgreich vollzogenen Seitenwechsel der Machtanspruch von Gender selbst in den Hintergrund, sie wird zur Ikone einer neoliberalen Selbstoptimierung. Im Fall von Wurst wird die Event-Kultur von Eurovision insgesamt als «Gender-Fasching» wahrgenommen. Beide Beispiele illustrieren eine der gängigsten Fehllektüren Butlers: dass Gender frei wählbar wäre oder sogar so einfach zu haben sei wie ein Kostümwechsel. An diesem Punkt schlägt die mediale Berichterstattung über Gender um in ihre Diffamierung, denn die Fehllektüre eines als voluntaristisch missverstandenen Gender-Begriffs ruft ihren Widerspruch schon mit auf. ; Not only approaches that are openly reactionary but even presumably liberal ones misread Butler. Here are two current examples: the media representations of the transsexual Caitlyn Jenner and of Conchita Wurst, the Eurovision Song Contest winner of 2014. In the case of Jenner, the ways in which gender is coerced are overlooked in order to celebrate the successful switching of sides. Thus, Jenner becomes an icon of a neoliberal form of self-optimization. In the case of Wurst, Eurovision as such is perceived as a form of gender carnivalesque. Both examples illustrate one of the most common misreadings of Butler: That you can chose your gender freely, even as easily as putting on a costume. At this point the media coverage on gender issues flips into a form of defamation, since the misreading of the concept of gender as voluntaristic already provokes its objection.
This article seeks to reintroduce discussions on gender relations in politics back into scholarly and political debate. Many countries have adopted gender quotas, but it is unclear whether their implementation has meaningfully changed the prevalent inequalities governing gender relations in politics. This article considers whether the implementation of gender quotas could promote change, and assesses this change with reference to five criteria formerly used to assess the strategy of gender mainstreaming. These are a shift towards a more comprehensive concept of gender equality; the incorporation of a gender perspective intersected with other inequalities in mainstream politics; equal political representation; organizational changes in selection and recruitment mechanisms as well as the functioning of politics; and, finally, the displacement of hierarchies, and the empowerment of subjects. Reflection on and empirical illustrations of gender quotas with regard to these criteria reveal a mixed picture, demonstrating the need to reintroduce discussions about gender equality within politics back into gender quota debates. This discussion will not focus on the legitimacy of or need for gender quotas, but on how their implementation can contribute to the improvement of gender relations in politics beyond a quantitative sense. Approaching gender quotas through the use of criteria devised for assessing the gender mainstreaming strategy is helpful in exploring the potential of gender quotas in the transformation of gender relations.
Gender Equality between women and men remains elusive on many fronts and in 2019, Malta's score in the EU Equality Index was below the EU average. Progress has been noted in the area of paid work, but little headway has been made in the power domain, which is still heavily dominated by men. On the other hand, women still disproportionally carry the biggest care burdens, with related consequences on their career and their earnings. Gender mainstreaming is still in its very early stages and there is no evidence that Gender Auditing or Gender Budgeting has been implemented so far. In the last six years no ESIF funds were secured for genderequality-related projects. However, other funds were sourced through other EU calls. A gender mainstreaming strategy is due to be launched in 2020, although little details exist of how this will be implemented. Malta has much to gain if it makes better use of ESIF and other EU funds in order to secure the expertise and the resources to effectively implement Gender Mainstreaming and to carry out Gender audits and Gender Budgeting. NGOs should be more involved in these processes and could be better supported, in order to make use of EU funds to strengthen gender equality in Malta. ; This publication is supported by the European Union Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). ; N/A
Since gender disparities do not appear to be confined within the political system, I assume a gender perspective within social movements. In order to better understand the relations between the social movements and gender issues, I analysed the case of the Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and Aid to Citizens (Attac) in Italy. Attac is an international network of sibling organizations. The Italian branch has been described as a political/cultural association which is based on previous cultural/political backgrounds of militants. Accordingly, I supposed that these cultural/political backgrounds have affected the present organization and its forms of participation. Structural information on participation in parties and trade unions proves that Attac has a strong linkage to the Italian left-wing, while the relations between gender, participation and power have been investigated in the fieldwork. Yet, certain dynamics of inequity and the risk of reproducing models learned elsewhere, which also replicate gender exclusion in those associations which lie halfway between civil society and political parties, have been discussed for gender and participation in the contradictory age of globalization.
An alternative framework to US sex-discrimination law proposes that gender issues be analyzed according to gender disadvantage rather than gender difference. Using examples from court rulings on occupational restrictions, protective labor, & maternity policy, it is suggested that a focus on context & consequence of gender discrimination will reorient issues of gender away from difference toward methods of changing the workplace. 66 References. L. Baker
"Gender Mainstreaming wird als neues Konzept der Gleichstellungspolitik zwar vielfach zitiert, bleibt aber in seiner praktischen Umsetzung weit hinter den theoretischen Erwartungen zurück. Nicht zuletzt deshalb, weil dieser Ansatz meist losgelöst vom feministischen Diskurs angewendet wird. Der vorliegende Beitrag geht den theoretischen Grundlagen von Gender Mainstreaming nach, indem der Ansatz des Doing Gender und der sozialen Konstruktion von Geschlecht beleuchtet und hinsichtlich seiner politischen Umsetzbarkeit diskutiert wird." (Autorenreferat)
The rise of gender expertise and gender experts as a new profession is a significant and highly controversial phenomenon of contemporary feminist politics. This introductory article provides a contextualisation of this phenomenon, a short review of the literature and a theoretical specification of gender expertise, drawing on insights from the professionalisation and expertise literature. We highlight the importance of studying the politics of gender expertise and interrogate the type of knowledge that it constitutes and its relationship to policy and politics (including feminism). The special issue as a whole shows the varieties and complexities of gender expertise, what it makes possible and what it forecloses, and the disruptions it produces. The contributions adopt different approaches to show: how gender expertise is rent with tensions and divisions; how it is constrained within institutions, networks and policies; and how it produces multiple and sometimes unintended outcomes with powerful political effects.