Feminist Frontiers in Climate Justice provides a compelling demonstration of the deeply gendered and unequal effects of the climate emergency, alongside the urgent need for a feminist perspective to expose and address these structural political, social and economic inequalities. Taking a nuanced, multidisciplinary approach, this book explores new ways of thinking about how climate change interacts with gender inequalities and feminist concerns with rights and law, and how the human world is bound up with the non-human, natural world. With contributions from leading scholars in law, feminism, human rights and politics, this book considers how equality is conceptualised experienced and used in policies, law and practice that are integral to climate justice. Chapters reveal how international and national policy and legal frameworks fall short on gender equality and climate justice. Overall, the book demonstrates that the climate crisis demands an ambitious and transformative approach to equality, including developing feminist ideas of care and social reproduction, to reconstruct law and policy towards a more just world for all. This ground-breaking book will be essential reading for scholars across many areas of law including environmental law, human rights, public international law, law and gender, and law and development. Its discussion of the international framework alongside in-depth case studies and assessments of women's mobilization strategies will also be highly relevant to social scientists, officials in international organizations, policymakers, lawyers and activists.
This paper interrogates the commonplace view of frigidity as a notion always founded upon the misogynist failure to understand female sexual specificity. As an historical explanation, this view fails to take into account the contextual parameters of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century debates about female desire within which the notion of la femme frigide emerged and developed. This paper discusses the work of a range of French medical and psychoanalytic thinkers across the turn of the twentieth century and through the interwar period, showing how 'frigidity' was developed at this time by those who saw themselves precisely as contesting prevailing notions of normative feminine desire, or as defending the rights of women to maximum pleasure. But the inventors of frigidity were no feminist avengers either. Their demands for female pleasure assumed a delicate axis between the avoidance of excess, on the one hand, and the dangers of perversion that would result from any attempt to deny sexuality generally, on the other. Viewed within the context of early twentieth-century French gender anxieties, thinkers like Fauconney and Marie Bonaparte are ambivalent exemplars of the 'management' of sexuality referred to by Michel Foucault.
Research on Southern congressional voting behavior has largely dealt with the effects of constituency changes on roll-call voting. Few studies have taken into account the changing attributes of the legislators themselves, such as gender, in determining what influences voting behavior. The present study has built on this limited research by determining that while a member's gender does play a statistically significant role in explaining voting behavior -- with female legislators being more liberal than their male colleagues -- other factors such as race & party complicate the results & indicate that gender alone does not fully explain the differences in male & female member voting behavior. 1 Table, 2 Appendixes, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
Social welfare, increasingly extensive during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was by the first third of the nineteenth under considerable, and growing, pressure, during a "crisis" period when levels of poverty soared. This book examines the poor and their families during these final decades of the old Poor Law. It takes as a case study the lived experience of poor families in two Bedfordshire communities, Campton and Shefford, and contrasts it with the perspectives of other participants in parish politics, from the magistracy to the vestry, and from overseers to village ratepayers. It explores the problem of rising unemployment, the provision of parish make-work schemes, charitable provision and the wider makeshift economy, together with the attitudes of the ratepayers. That gender and life-cycle were crucial features of poverty is demonstrated: the lone mother and her dependent children and the elderly dominated the relief rolls. Poor relief might have been relatively generous but it was not pervasive - child allowances, in particular, were restricted in duration and value - and it by no means approximated to the income of other labouring families. Poor families must either have had access to additional resources, or led meagre lives. Samantha Williams is a university lecturer in local and regional history at the Institute of Continuing Education, Cambridge, and a Bye-Fellow in History, Girton College, Cambridge
This study examines embodiments of the traditional Korean mask dance, t'alch'um, in the post-Korean War period. The military government and university student activists in South Korea utilized the t'alch'um as a pivotal vehicle for establishing "Korean" identity and subjectivity during a period of nation-building, from the 1960s to the 1980s. However, they each used different methods and pursued different goals. The government established the Cultural Heritage Protection System in 1962 with the goal of safeguarding the original form of the mask dance. One impact of the government's system was to consolidate the power of the dictatorship. In contrast, university student activists recognized the necessity of preserving tradition and establishing an identity and subjectivity for the public. They created their own theater, called madanggŭk, by connecting the principle of satire from the mask dance with socio-political and economic issues that resulted from the dictatorship's oppressive policies. Through madanggŭks, the activists sought to promote "Koreanness" that originated from minjung (common people) and one important outcome was their expression of resistance against the dictatorship. Assessing these two reconstituting activities in the post-war era, the main purpose of this dissertation is to shine a critical spotlight on how the reconstitutions of dances past were differently appropriated and the impacts they exerted on national identity and subjectivity. Although one of the goals of some developing reconstitutions of the mask dance was to challenge previous conservative and hierarchical ideologies, vestiges of 19th-century Korean Confucian patriarchy remained active in social and cultural conventions. This study analyzes how gender binaries in hierarchical relationships were circulated in reconstitutions of the t'alch'um. I examine how patriarchal family structures, sexual division of labor, and stereotyped images of women are depicted in androcentric storylines of the mask dance and madanggŭk. I also analyze how vestiges of Korean Confucian patriarchy influenced relationships between men and women in performing groups.This project employed several methodologies: oral interviews; analysis and interpretation of archival materials and secondary literature; and movement analysis of the t'alch'um and madanggŭk as captured in photographs. While in South Korea from 2011 to 2013, I gathered written and visual documents and conducted interviews with professional dancers and scholars. Few moving image records exist for period reconstitutions of the mask dance and madanggŭk. Limited numbers of still pictures are available for t'alch'um and madanggŭk productions in this period. However, using photos, I studied various performing factors: what body parts performers primarily utilized, how performance environments appeared, how performers located themselves in relation to spectators, and what costumes performers wore.These methods enable me to argue that neither the Korean government reconstitutions nor university student performances of madanggŭk escaped from the reach of Confucian philosophy, sovereign-centered system, and hierarchy, even though they each pursued democratic revolution from the 1960s to the 1980s. This study approaches the two reconstitutions with perspectives gleaned from several disciplines as it addresses cultural production in connection with politics, industrialization, and gender role issues.
Preliminary Material -- Introduction -- Chapter One. America the traditional /Wayne E. Baker -- Chapter Two. Cleavages, value gaps and regime support: Evidence from Canada and 26other societies /Neil Nevitte and Mebs Kanji -- Chapter Three. Value change in Mexico, 1980–2000: Evidence From the world values surveys /Miguel Basáñez and Alejandro Moreno -- Chapter Four. Cultural trends in Argentina: 1983–2000 /Marita Carballo -- Chapter Five. Changing swedish civic orientations: From Solidarity to activism? -- Chapter Six. Denmark: Solid or fluid? /Peter Gundelach -- Chapter Seven. What happened to dutch values? Investigating general and differential trends in values in The Netherlands /Loek Halman and Ruud Luijkx -- Chapter Eight. Civic values and value change in Austria and Germany /Franziska Deutsch , Christian Welzel and Julian Wucherpfennig -- Chapter Nine. French values: Between southern and northern Europe /Pierre Bréchon -- Chapter Ten. Values and generations in Spain /Juan Díez-Nicolás -- Chapter Eleven. Islam, gender, democracy and values: The case of Turkey, 1990–2001 -- Chapter Twelve. Value change and democratization in South Korea /Soo Young Auh -- Chapter Thirteen. The constant of transformation: Eleven Years of value change in South Africa, 1990–2001 /Hennie Kotze -- References -- Index.
AbstractIncreasing the share of women in politics is often promoted as a means to reduce corruption. Recent studies indicate the importance of considering the gender gap in corruption as a dynamic, rather than static, phenomenon. Our study combines data from surveys and incentivized behavioral games among 400 inexperienced and experienced local politicians in West Bengal, India. We find no gender gap in attitudes toward corruption. However, in incentivized games, inexperienced female politicians are more honest than their male counterparts. No such gender gap exists among experienced politicians. Drawing on a theoretical discussion of four possible mechanisms, we find that the apparent increase in dishonest behavior among female politicians is associated with lower risk aversion and stronger political networks. Our findings indicate that women, like men, are socialized into their local political culture and that benefits from changing who is elected may be short‐lived unless that culture is also changed.
The titles of these books point both to their common concern and to the difference between them. Still Fighting underscores the extent to which Latin American women (in this case, Nicaraguans) are still struggling, from a disadvantaged position, to achieve recognition of their own personal value and identity, as well as a better social, political, and economic position. Empowering Women underscores, instead, the extent to which women's struggle is about achieving power in the form of legal title to land. The former stresses gender identity while the latter emphasizes personal empowerment. The first accentuates setbacks experienced and the work still to be done; the latter highlights accomplishments while acknowledging that much work remains. Carmen Diana Deere and Magdalena Leon locate their work within gender studies in Chapter 1, stating their orientation toward redistribution rather than recognition (p. 9). Although Katherine Isbester does not refer to gender studies, her work is about the struggle for identity and the role it plays in strengthening a social movement.
This publication aims to provide trainers, practitioners, and policy makers of environment and gender mainstreaming agencies an understanding of key concepts and approaches to gender-responsive mitigation measures, strategies, and policies. It covers key concepts on gender and climate change and concludes with step-by-step guidelines for policy and decision makers to mainstream gender into climate policies and projects, with practical tools and exercises to support training on gender and climate change. This manual is based on a series of workshops held in Cambodia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and Viet Nam and models the Asian Development Bank's operational approach of integrated country-driven climate responses in enabling gender-responsive climate action. It accommodates readers and training participants who are not familiar with climate change issues or gender concepts, and case studies herein can be adjusted to the country context.
This publication aims to provide trainers, practitioners, and policy makers of environment and gender mainstreaming agencies an understanding of key concepts and approaches to gender-responsive mitigation measures, strategies, and policies. It covers key concepts on gender and climate change and concludes with step-by-step guidelines for policy and decision makers to mainstream gender into climate policies and projects, with practical tools and exercises to support training on gender and climate change. This manual is based on a series of workshops held in Cambodia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and Viet Nam and models the Asian Development Bank's operational approach of integrated country-driven climate responses in enabling gender-responsive climate action. It accommodates readers and training participants who are not familiar with climate change issues or gender concepts, and case studies herein can be adjusted to the country context.
Between 1945 and 1967, Canada received one of the largest waves of immigrants in its history: nearly three million people. In contrast to this intense activity, the lives of women during that same period are often represented as being immutable – until their awakening in the late 1960s. It is difficult to imagine, however, that they paid little attention to the arrival of thousands of immigrants each year. In reality, the lived experience of women between 1945 and 1967 is much more complexand nuanced than the representations of their apoliticism and maternal essentialism suggest. This thesis studies the role of women - immigrants,politicians, professionals, housewives, members o fassociations and minority groups - in shaping immigration policy between 1945 and 1967. Examining a domain considered as being somewhat outside of' women's interests' offers the possibility of determining the true range of their interests, the spaces available to women for discussing and debating different issues and their means of conveying their views to decisionmakers.An engagement with immigration policy wouldsuggest an effort on their part to go beyond what isconsidered to be women's appropriate sphere.Analyzing the level of their involvement in immigration policy provides a method for interrogating the representations and socially assigned roles of women of the period as well as the social relations, power hierarchies and cultural tendencies that produce them.This analysis also promises to expose the barriers to women's involvement in the political public sphere and to deconstruct the discourses that circumscribe their actions. ; Entre 1945 et 1967, le Canada accueille une des plus importantes vagues d'immigration de son histoire : presque trois millions d'immigrants. À la même époque,la vie des femmes est souvent représentée comme immuable, jusqu'à leur éveil soudain à la fin des années1960. Il est pourtant difficile de croire qu'elles n'accordent aucune attention à l'arrivée de milliers d'immigrants chaque année. Leur vécu entre ...
Between 1945 and 1967, Canada received one of the largest waves of immigrants in its history: nearly three million people. In contrast to this intense activity, the lives of women during that same period are often represented as being immutable – until their awakening in the late 1960s. It is difficult to imagine, however, that they paid little attention to the arrival of thousands of immigrants each year. In reality, the lived experience of women between 1945 and 1967 is much more complexand nuanced than the representations of their apoliticism and maternal essentialism suggest. This thesis studies the role of women - immigrants,politicians, professionals, housewives, members o fassociations and minority groups - in shaping immigration policy between 1945 and 1967. Examining a domain considered as being somewhat outside of' women's interests' offers the possibility of determining the true range of their interests, the spaces available to women for discussing and debating different issues and their means of conveying their views to decisionmakers.An engagement with immigration policy wouldsuggest an effort on their part to go beyond what isconsidered to be women's appropriate sphere.Analyzing the level of their involvement in immigration policy provides a method for interrogating the representations and socially assigned roles of women of the period as well as the social relations, power hierarchies and cultural tendencies that produce them.This analysis also promises to expose the barriers to women's involvement in the political public sphere and to deconstruct the discourses that circumscribe their actions. ; Entre 1945 et 1967, le Canada accueille une des plus importantes vagues d'immigration de son histoire : presque trois millions d'immigrants. À la même époque,la vie des femmes est souvent représentée comme immuable, jusqu'à leur éveil soudain à la fin des années1960. Il est pourtant difficile de croire qu'elles n'accordent aucune attention à l'arrivée de milliers d'immigrants chaque année. Leur vécu entre ...
Between 1945 and 1967, Canada received one of the largest waves of immigrants in its history: nearly three million people. In contrast to this intense activity, the lives of women during that same period are often represented as being immutable – until their awakening in the late 1960s. It is difficult to imagine, however, that they paid little attention to the arrival of thousands of immigrants each year. In reality, the lived experience of women between 1945 and 1967 is much more complexand nuanced than the representations of their apoliticism and maternal essentialism suggest. This thesis studies the role of women - immigrants,politicians, professionals, housewives, members o fassociations and minority groups - in shaping immigration policy between 1945 and 1967. Examining a domain considered as being somewhat outside of' women's interests' offers the possibility of determining the true range of their interests, the spaces available to women for discussing and debating different issues and their means of conveying their views to decisionmakers.An engagement with immigration policy wouldsuggest an effort on their part to go beyond what isconsidered to be women's appropriate sphere.Analyzing the level of their involvement in immigration policy provides a method for interrogating the representations and socially assigned roles of women of the period as well as the social relations, power hierarchies and cultural tendencies that produce them.This analysis also promises to expose the barriers to women's involvement in the political public sphere and to deconstruct the discourses that circumscribe their actions. ; Entre 1945 et 1967, le Canada accueille une des plus importantes vagues d'immigration de son histoire : presque trois millions d'immigrants. À la même époque,la vie des femmes est souvent représentée comme immuable, jusqu'à leur éveil soudain à la fin des années1960. Il est pourtant difficile de croire qu'elles n'accordent aucune attention à l'arrivée de milliers d'immigrants chaque année. Leur vécu entre ...
In: Marie-Fleur Philipp, Ludovica Gambaro & Pia S. Schober (2023) Breaking with traditions? How parental separation affects adolescents' gender ideologies in the UK, Journal of Family Studies, 29:5, 2173-2194, DOI: 10.1080/13229400.2022.2153723