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Compassion in International Relations: The Case Study of Armenian Genocide Recognition Not all decisions in international politics can be explained by power and interest, as realists would suggest. Constructivists claim identity plays an important role for interaction of countries and nations. Some nations decide to choose the most painful part of their history and are building their special identity – victim identity. In first part of this paper the concept of identity, especially victim identity, is analyzed. Then two competing identities are analyzed – Armenian victim identity and Turkish "denial identity". Reasons for selection of these particular identities, ways of promotion and making it priority of foreign policy agenda are discussed in second and third parts of this paper. Special identity can generate soft power in international politics only in case if it is recognized by other countries. Therefore, Armenia listed recognition of the Armenian Genocide in top priorities list of Foreign Policy. Although right after becoming the independent country, first Armenian President was trying to be "rational" and was refusing claims of recognition by Turkey in order to assure good relationship, victimhood was deep in identity of Armenian society and diaspora, therefore, such foreign policy was not widely accepted. So later Armenian policy makers were making sure not to repeat this mistake and were giving to recignition of genocide a very special place in Armenian Foreign Policy. State coordinated campaigns and civic initiatives have increased public awareness about the issue, and so far, 28 countries recognized Armenian genocide. By recognizing Armenian identity, they denied competing Turkish identity (claiming not being responsible for Armenian genocide), which is being promoted with the same amount of efforts. This paper tries to find an answer: what kind of power leads the decision of other countries choosing to support small, not strategically important country and take risk to anger much powerful actor of international affairs? In case of Germany, it had even more to lose: good bilateral relationship with Turkey and, even more important, strategically important alley in high peak of refugee crisis in Europe. But regardless that, German Bundestag nearly unanimously voted for recognition of Armenian genocide in June 2016. In most cases it is difficult to evaluate direct effect of soft power and prove its effect to implementation of foreign policy goals, therefore it is the most criticised aspect of soft power theory. In this case we can see how the decision by Armenia to choose victim identity and constantly promote it is being converted into soft power and push into political agenda of other country activities that are important and useful for Armenian Foreign Policy goals. Analysis of rhetoric of dedicated political activist Erika Steinbach, strategical documents and arguments of Bundestag members before final vote that led to recognition of Armenian genocide reveals that one of the leading arguments for decision was compassion. Members of Bundestag stressed the importance of recognition as a way to express their compassion to grievance of Armenian people, to share responsibility for mediation of bilateral relationship, and to share the burden of guilt – for not preventing Armenian genocide as former ally of Ottoman Empire. Armenian themselves and many human right advocates all around the world stress the importance of recognition of genocide in order to prevent it in the future. They say would be needed to disclose all the cruelty of humanity in the past in order to ensure any early warning sign would be met with highest concern and world society wouldn't observing just observing. And, finally, would fulfil the promise humanity gave after the Holocaust, most recognized genocide off all times, –– newer again.

Compassion in International Relations: The Case Study of Armenian Genocide Recognition Not all decisions in international politics can be explained by power and interest, as realists would suggest. Constructivists claim identity plays an important role for interaction of countries and nations. Some nations decide to choose the most painful part of their history and are building their special identity – victim identity. In first part of this paper the concept of identity, especially victim identity, is analyzed. Then two competing identities are analyzed – Armenian victim identity and Turkish "denial identity". Reasons for selection of these particular identities, ways of promotion and making it priority of foreign policy agenda are discussed in second and third parts of this paper. Special identity can generate soft power in international politics only in case if it is recognized by other countries. Therefore, Armenia listed recognition of the Armenian Genocide in top priorities list of Foreign Policy. Although right after becoming the independent country, first Armenian President was trying to be "rational" and was refusing claims of recognition by Turkey in order to assure good relationship, victimhood was deep in identity of Armenian society and diaspora, therefore, such foreign policy was not widely accepted. So later Armenian policy makers were making sure not to repeat this mistake and were giving to recignition of genocide a very special place in Armenian Foreign Policy. State coordinated campaigns and civic initiatives have increased public awareness about the issue, and so far, 28 countries recognized Armenian genocide. By recognizing Armenian identity, they denied competing Turkish identity (claiming not being responsible for Armenian genocide), which is being promoted with the same amount of efforts. This paper tries to find an answer: what kind of power leads the decision of other countries choosing to support small, not strategically important country and take risk to anger much powerful actor of international affairs? In case of Germany, it had even more to lose: good bilateral relationship with Turkey and, even more important, strategically important alley in high peak of refugee crisis in Europe. But regardless that, German Bundestag nearly unanimously voted for recognition of Armenian genocide in June 2016. In most cases it is difficult to evaluate direct effect of soft power and prove its effect to implementation of foreign policy goals, therefore it is the most criticised aspect of soft power theory. In this case we can see how the decision by Armenia to choose victim identity and constantly promote it is being converted into soft power and push into political agenda of other country activities that are important and useful for Armenian Foreign Policy goals. Analysis of rhetoric of dedicated political activist Erika Steinbach, strategical documents and arguments of Bundestag members before final vote that led to recognition of Armenian genocide reveals that one of the leading arguments for decision was compassion. Members of Bundestag stressed the importance of recognition as a way to express their compassion to grievance of Armenian people, to share responsibility for mediation of bilateral relationship, and to share the burden of guilt – for not preventing Armenian genocide as former ally of Ottoman Empire. Armenian themselves and many human right advocates all around the world stress the importance of recognition of genocide in order to prevent it in the future. They say would be needed to disclose all the cruelty of humanity in the past in order to ensure any early warning sign would be met with highest concern and world society wouldn't observing just observing. And, finally, would fulfil the promise humanity gave after the Holocaust, most recognized genocide off all times, –– newer again.

Compassion in International Relations: The Case Study of Armenian Genocide Recognition Not all decisions in international politics can be explained by power and interest, as realists would suggest. Constructivists claim identity plays an important role for interaction of countries and nations. Some nations decide to choose the most painful part of their history and are building their special identity – victim identity. In first part of this paper the concept of identity, especially victim identity, is analyzed. Then two competing identities are analyzed – Armenian victim identity and Turkish "denial identity". Reasons for selection of these particular identities, ways of promotion and making it priority of foreign policy agenda are discussed in second and third parts of this paper. Special identity can generate soft power in international politics only in case if it is recognized by other countries. Therefore, Armenia listed recognition of the Armenian Genocide in top priorities list of Foreign Policy. Although right after becoming the independent country, first Armenian President was trying to be "rational" and was refusing claims of recognition by Turkey in order to assure good relationship, victimhood was deep in identity of Armenian society and diaspora, therefore, such foreign policy was not widely accepted. So later Armenian policy makers were making sure not to repeat this mistake and were giving to recignition of genocide a very special place in Armenian Foreign Policy. State coordinated campaigns and civic initiatives have increased public awareness about the issue, and so far, 28 countries recognized Armenian genocide. By recognizing Armenian identity, they denied competing Turkish identity (claiming not being responsible for Armenian genocide), which is being promoted with the same amount of efforts. This paper tries to find an answer: what kind of power leads the decision of other countries choosing to support small, not strategically important country and take risk to anger much powerful actor of international affairs? In case of Germany, it had even more to lose: good bilateral relationship with Turkey and, even more important, strategically important alley in high peak of refugee crisis in Europe. But regardless that, German Bundestag nearly unanimously voted for recognition of Armenian genocide in June 2016. In most cases it is difficult to evaluate direct effect of soft power and prove its effect to implementation of foreign policy goals, therefore it is the most criticised aspect of soft power theory. In this case we can see how the decision by Armenia to choose victim identity and constantly promote it is being converted into soft power and push into political agenda of other country activities that are important and useful for Armenian Foreign Policy goals. Analysis of rhetoric of dedicated political activist Erika Steinbach, strategical documents and arguments of Bundestag members before final vote that led to recognition of Armenian genocide reveals that one of the leading arguments for decision was compassion. Members of Bundestag stressed the importance of recognition as a way to express their compassion to grievance of Armenian people, to share responsibility for mediation of bilateral relationship, and to share the burden of guilt – for not preventing Armenian genocide as former ally of Ottoman Empire. Armenian themselves and many human right advocates all around the world stress the importance of recognition of genocide in order to prevent it in the future. They say would be needed to disclose all the cruelty of humanity in the past in order to ensure any early warning sign would be met with highest concern and world society wouldn't observing just observing. And, finally, would fulfil the promise humanity gave after the Holocaust, most recognized genocide off all times, –– newer again.

Compassion in International Relations: The Case Study of Armenian Genocide Recognition Not all decisions in international politics can be explained by power and interest, as realists would suggest. Constructivists claim identity plays an important role for interaction of countries and nations. Some nations decide to choose the most painful part of their history and are building their special identity – victim identity. In first part of this paper the concept of identity, especially victim identity, is analyzed. Then two competing identities are analyzed – Armenian victim identity and Turkish "denial identity". Reasons for selection of these particular identities, ways of promotion and making it priority of foreign policy agenda are discussed in second and third parts of this paper. Special identity can generate soft power in international politics only in case if it is recognized by other countries. Therefore, Armenia listed recognition of the Armenian Genocide in top priorities list of Foreign Policy. Although right after becoming the independent country, first Armenian President was trying to be "rational" and was refusing claims of recognition by Turkey in order to assure good relationship, victimhood was deep in identity of Armenian society and diaspora, therefore, such foreign policy was not widely accepted. So later Armenian policy makers were making sure not to repeat this mistake and were giving to recignition of genocide a very special place in Armenian Foreign Policy. State coordinated campaigns and civic initiatives have increased public awareness about the issue, and so far, 28 countries recognized Armenian genocide. By recognizing Armenian identity, they denied competing Turkish identity (claiming not being responsible for Armenian genocide), which is being promoted with the same amount of efforts. This paper tries to find an answer: what kind of power leads the decision of other countries choosing to support small, not strategically important country and take risk to anger much powerful actor of international affairs? In case of Germany, it had even more to lose: good bilateral relationship with Turkey and, even more important, strategically important alley in high peak of refugee crisis in Europe. But regardless that, German Bundestag nearly unanimously voted for recognition of Armenian genocide in June 2016. In most cases it is difficult to evaluate direct effect of soft power and prove its effect to implementation of foreign policy goals, therefore it is the most criticised aspect of soft power theory. In this case we can see how the decision by Armenia to choose victim identity and constantly promote it is being converted into soft power and push into political agenda of other country activities that are important and useful for Armenian Foreign Policy goals. Analysis of rhetoric of dedicated political activist Erika Steinbach, strategical documents and arguments of Bundestag members before final vote that led to recognition of Armenian genocide reveals that one of the leading arguments for decision was compassion. Members of Bundestag stressed the importance of recognition as a way to express their compassion to grievance of Armenian people, to share responsibility for mediation of bilateral relationship, and to share the burden of guilt – for not preventing Armenian genocide as former ally of Ottoman Empire. Armenian themselves and many human right advocates all around the world stress the importance of recognition of genocide in order to prevent it in the future. They say would be needed to disclose all the cruelty of humanity in the past in order to ensure any early warning sign would be met with highest concern and world society wouldn't observing just observing. And, finally, would fulfil the promise humanity gave after the Holocaust, most recognized genocide off all times, –– newer again.

This paper analyses the legal definition of the crime of genocide by means of the law of the Republic of Lithuania, criminal law literature and international legal sources. Attention is also given to the problematics of the crime of genocide as constitutionality of a legal rule. In order to discuss the crime of genocide as clearly and in as much detail as possible, its separate elements were analyzed, objective and subjective constituent elements of the crime of genocide were distinguished by means of the analysis of constituent elements of criminal acts. In analysing the case-law of Lithuanian courts, the obstacles of application of criminal liability are observed when criminal prosecution is applied to the persons whose activity is regarded as criminal by persons who are protected by international law. In the present paper, these problems are assessed with regard to the ruling of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania regarding the crime of genocide, the latest Lithuanian case-law and the ruling of the European Court of Human Rights.

This paper analyses the legal definition of the crime of genocide by means of the law of the Republic of Lithuania, criminal law literature and international legal sources. Attention is also given to the problematics of the crime of genocide as constitutionality of a legal rule. In order to discuss the crime of genocide as clearly and in as much detail as possible, its separate elements were analyzed, objective and subjective constituent elements of the crime of genocide were distinguished by means of the analysis of constituent elements of criminal acts. In analysing the case-law of Lithuanian courts, the obstacles of application of criminal liability are observed when criminal prosecution is applied to the persons whose activity is regarded as criminal by persons who are protected by international law. In the present paper, these problems are assessed with regard to the ruling of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania regarding the crime of genocide, the latest Lithuanian case-law and the ruling of the European Court of Human Rights.

The subject matter of master thesis is the concept of the crime of genocide in national and international law. Analysis begins by explaining the origins of this concept and following it's evolution in both legal systems. In order to give a full and particular account on the notion of the crime of genocide, the concept is examined by splitting it into several different elements, while using the traditional scheme of analysis in Lithuanian criminal law (object, objective side, subject and subjective side are researched separately). Master thesis also points out the problems related to defining the meaning of separate elements of the concept of genocide. By examining and comparing various opinions expressed by official institutions and scientists on these questions, author seeks to find a solution which poses least problems in legal and practical terms. In master thesis attention is also given to comparative analysis of the concept of genocide in national and international law. Author examines the differences between these concepts and historical, legal and political reasons behind said differences and their present and possible impact to criminal law theory and practice. Master thesis was written while using international legal documents (Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide, statutes of international criminal tribunals, the Statute of International Criminal Court), international and national case law, Lithuanian legal acts, scientific literature. In author's opinion, given analysis is useful to persons, who specialize in criminal law, to law students and generally to everyone interested in the so-called "crime of crimes" – genocide.

The subject matter of master thesis is the concept of the crime of genocide in national and international law. Analysis begins by explaining the origins of this concept and following it's evolution in both legal systems. In order to give a full and particular account on the notion of the crime of genocide, the concept is examined by splitting it into several different elements, while using the traditional scheme of analysis in Lithuanian criminal law (object, objective side, subject and subjective side are researched separately). Master thesis also points out the problems related to defining the meaning of separate elements of the concept of genocide. By examining and comparing various opinions expressed by official institutions and scientists on these questions, author seeks to find a solution which poses least problems in legal and practical terms. In master thesis attention is also given to comparative analysis of the concept of genocide in national and international law. Author examines the differences between these concepts and historical, legal and political reasons behind said differences and their present and possible impact to criminal law theory and practice. Master thesis was written while using international legal documents (Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide, statutes of international criminal tribunals, the Statute of International Criminal Court), international and national case law, Lithuanian legal acts, scientific literature. In author's opinion, given analysis is useful to persons, who specialize in criminal law, to law students and generally to everyone interested in the so-called "crime of crimes" – genocide.

Genocide is described as one of the most severe crimes of the international law. After the Second World War international community decided to codify international law and the general principles of the law recognized by civilized nations. The United Nations enacted The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The convention stated that genocide crime is described as acts against national, ethnic, racial or religious group. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many countries including Lithuania got back their independence. Lithuania's legislators incorporated the norms of the Genocide convention into the state's legal system. Besides these norms legislators also included social and political groups into the definition of genocide crime. It was done in order to punish persons, who were responsible for the criminal offense against Lithuania's citizen during soviet occupation. The decision that states legislators made extended the definition of genocide crime established in international law, which defines genocide as the acts against national, ethnic, racial or religious group, but not against social or political group. Under international principle nullum crimen sine lege a person should not face criminal punishment except for an act that was criminalized by law before he performed the act. In this work it is aimed to determine whether the extended genocide structure established in Lithuanian legal system does not violate principle nullum crimen sine lege. First of all, there were analyzed the definition of genocide crime and the reasons why social and political groups were not included. Before the Genocide convention, this act had no name and the first one, who came up with the name was R. Lemkin, who wrote a book about genocide crime. Then United Nations enacted the convention, which determines the genocide as the acts against national, ethnic, racial or religious group. During the process there were a lot of discussions about the groups, which should be protected by the convention, the social and political groups were also included in the projects. But some countries including Soviet Union disagreed with the protection of these groups. So, the social and political groups were not included into the Genocide convention because of the political reasons. But besides that, there is a number of other countries like Lithuania, which also included the social and political groups into their domestic laws in order to protect them. Secondly, there is a description of the principle nullum crimen sine lege. There were analyzed the application of the principle and the exception of it. The principle means that a person should not face criminal punishment except for an act that was criminalized by law before he performed the act. The exception is applied to sui generis offenses – war crimes and crimes against humanity, which is recognized by the civilized nations. This means that the exception of nullum crimen sine lege is applied to the crime of genocide too. Thirdly, it was analyzed the reasons why Lithuania's legislators included the social and political groups into the definition of genocide. In order to punish persons, who were responsible for the acts against Lithuanians during the occupation of Soviet Union the definition was extended by adding social and political groups into the definition. When the persecution of the perpetrators in Lithuania has started, there were perceived that it was not easy to prove the extermination of national and ethnic groups. It was easier to prove the special intent to exterminate the political and social groups, because soviets acts were directed to the specific groups of Lithuanians, which cannot be described as national, ethnic, racial or religious groups. Fourthly, in the work there were analyzed the definitions of social and political groups. Social group is a group where members are related with common ties and characteristics. The national, ethnic, racial and religious groups are also social groups even though the social group itself was not included in the Genocide convention. But not all social groups are national, ethnic, racial or religious groups, so the Genocide convention protects only a certain type of social groups. Political groups are groups, where members are related with common beliefs, which can be compared even with the religious beliefs. The drafters of the Genocide convention justified the exclusion of political group from the protected list of groups because it lacked the stability. But there were no discussions about including the religious group, which is as stable as political group. Finally, there were analyzed the relation between the extended definition of genocide and principle nullum crimen sine lege. Even though the exception of the principle nullum crimen sine lege is applicable to the crime of genocide, it is applied only to the crime, which is defined by the general principles of international law, which is recognized be the civilized nations. That means that exception is valid for the acts against national, ethnic, racial or religious groups, but not to social or political groups, because these two groups are not protected from genocide crime by the Genocide convention and other international laws.

SUMMARY OF MASTER'S WORK During the Soviet occupation, around 350,000 Lithuanian residents suffered and died. From 1941 on, with interruptions, monuments of various kinds have been built to commemorate all of them. The subject of this investigation is the process of immortalizing members of the resistance movement and victims of Soviet genocide in monuments, the specific features of and problems encountered in this process, as well as issues concerning the inventory and memorialization of sites and buildings recognized as monuments. These have not been the subject of any study hitherto and have not been the focus of investigation. The goal of this work is to disclose the processes and associated problems of commemorating and memorializing Lithuanian victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance. To achieve this goal, the following tasks were formulated: 1. to determine the phases of monument construction and groups of builders, and to characterize them; 2. to explain how inventory of sites and buildings recognized as monuments takes place and how these objects are categorized; 3. to survey how work is carried out for the maintenance and commemoration of sites and buildings; 4. to ascertain the nature of problems involved in commemoration and memorialization. Based on the work of our investigation, the construction of monuments commemorating victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance movement took place in three phases in Lithuania, a process in which various people and organizations effected the maintenance of memorial site territories, the construction of statues and the marking of memorial buildings. We divide these people and organizations in two groups: – according to the phase of monument construction: "enthusiasts", folk artists and professional artists. – according to the number of monuments erected and their artistic value. Inventory of memorial sites and constructions is carried out by the Cultural heritage Center of the Republic of Lithuania (hereafter "CHC"), the Center for the Study of the Genocide and Resistance of Lithuanian Residents of the Republic of Lithuania ("Center") and the Union of Lithuanian Political Prisoners and Exiles, in accordance with legal acts regulating organizations carrying out the disclosure, inventory and memorialization of cultural monuments. Individuals and public and government organizations perform maintenance of and commemorative work involving these sites and objects. The Center does the majority of commemorative work under the "Program for the creation of commemorative signs, symbols and monuments for commemorating victims of genocide and people repressed for opposition to occupational regimes, 1996-2000" and the 2003-2008 continuation of the program. Various problems are encountered in commemorating memorial sites and buildings: lack of understanding of means of artistic expression in statuary, incorrect allocation of funding for commemorative work and opposition by private individuals and state organizations to allowing the positing of signs on buildings. The memorialization of commemorative sites and buildings began in 1991. The CHC has carried this out. City and regional municipalities along with the Center supply material for the memorialization of sites and objects. In nominating sites and objects are for memorialization, a detailed analysis of the memorial site (determining which of these should be memorialized), a detailed analysis of the memorial building (establishing its historical and sometimes also architectural value), registration of complete information about the memorial site and building with the Burial Sites and Constructions Listings of the Cultural Values Register are carried out. At the current time, since the new Lithuanian law on the protection of immovable cultural heritage came into force on April 18, 2005, work to memorialize commemorative sites and constructions has stopped temporarily.

SUMMARY OF MASTER'S WORK During the Soviet occupation, around 350,000 Lithuanian residents suffered and died. From 1941 on, with interruptions, monuments of various kinds have been built to commemorate all of them. The subject of this investigation is the process of immortalizing members of the resistance movement and victims of Soviet genocide in monuments, the specific features of and problems encountered in this process, as well as issues concerning the inventory and memorialization of sites and buildings recognized as monuments. These have not been the subject of any study hitherto and have not been the focus of investigation. The goal of this work is to disclose the processes and associated problems of commemorating and memorializing Lithuanian victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance. To achieve this goal, the following tasks were formulated: 1. to determine the phases of monument construction and groups of builders, and to characterize them; 2. to explain how inventory of sites and buildings recognized as monuments takes place and how these objects are categorized; 3. to survey how work is carried out for the maintenance and commemoration of sites and buildings; 4. to ascertain the nature of problems involved in commemoration and memorialization. Based on the work of our investigation, the construction of monuments commemorating victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance movement took place in three phases in Lithuania, a process in which various people and organizations effected the maintenance of memorial site territories, the construction of statues and the marking of memorial buildings. We divide these people and organizations in two groups: – according to the phase of monument construction: "enthusiasts", folk artists and professional artists. – according to the number of monuments erected and their artistic value. Inventory of memorial sites and constructions is carried out by the Cultural heritage Center of the Republic of Lithuania (hereafter "CHC"), the Center for the Study of the Genocide and Resistance of Lithuanian Residents of the Republic of Lithuania ("Center") and the Union of Lithuanian Political Prisoners and Exiles, in accordance with legal acts regulating organizations carrying out the disclosure, inventory and memorialization of cultural monuments. Individuals and public and government organizations perform maintenance of and commemorative work involving these sites and objects. The Center does the majority of commemorative work under the "Program for the creation of commemorative signs, symbols and monuments for commemorating victims of genocide and people repressed for opposition to occupational regimes, 1996-2000" and the 2003-2008 continuation of the program. Various problems are encountered in commemorating memorial sites and buildings: lack of understanding of means of artistic expression in statuary, incorrect allocation of funding for commemorative work and opposition by private individuals and state organizations to allowing the positing of signs on buildings. The memorialization of commemorative sites and buildings began in 1991. The CHC has carried this out. City and regional municipalities along with the Center supply material for the memorialization of sites and objects. In nominating sites and objects are for memorialization, a detailed analysis of the memorial site (determining which of these should be memorialized), a detailed analysis of the memorial building (establishing its historical and sometimes also architectural value), registration of complete information about the memorial site and building with the Burial Sites and Constructions Listings of the Cultural Values Register are carried out. At the current time, since the new Lithuanian law on the protection of immovable cultural heritage came into force on April 18, 2005, work to memorialize commemorative sites and constructions has stopped temporarily.

In this article there is the analysis of specifics of the interpretation of the events of the end of the Second World War in the Russian historical politics from the point of view of the subject integration (historical, cultural-anthropological and psychological). The main concepts, defining the evaluation of the situation of the Soviet occupation of the region of Koenigsberg in Russian historical politics and culture, are presented. Also there is the analysis of the problem of the impact of the conception of the "genocide of the Lithuania Minor" on the Lithuanian historical politics. The problems, presented in the article, haven't been analyzed in complex in Lithuania so far.

In this article there is the analysis of specifics of the interpretation of the events of the end of the Second World War in the Russian historical politics from the point of view of the subject integration (historical, cultural-anthropological and psychological). The main concepts, defining the evaluation of the situation of the Soviet occupation of the region of Koenigsberg in Russian historical politics and culture, are presented. Also there is the analysis of the problem of the impact of the conception of the "genocide of the Lithuania Minor" on the Lithuanian historical politics. The problems, presented in the article, haven't been analyzed in complex in Lithuania so far.

The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]

The Biafra war as an event offers a variety of angles from which it could be analysed, though this topic, apart from the dimensions of genocide or humanitarian crises, has never been much in the interest of scholars. On the one hand, it could be related to the lack of real facts as many figures and stories were fabricated during the war; on the other hand, as John K. Wa'Njogu would say, any story from Africa is not interesting if it is not an exceptional and aberrational news level. However, there have been several partly related articles about mass communication, propaganda and public relations during the Biafra war, but most of them have been taking the Western point of view, at the same time misjudging the role of the Biafran leader Ojukwu and his input in forming the propaganda apparatus by using approved propaganda guidelines from the West and adapting it to local realities. According to Scot Macdonald, the Biafra war was a war of images fought in the court of public opinion, which was won by Biafra, though the war was lost in the military and political arena. Ojukwu fairly quickly recognized the importance of controlling information and the power of messages delivered via mass communication channels, while Nigerian officials had never fully grasped the importance of this coverage. Therefore, Ojukwu built a team from local and Western professional propagandists and PR specialists whose main task was to find a proper angle of propaganda that could help to win this asymmetric war. The first attempts to use political emancipation of the oppressed people, religious, pogrom and genocide angles had limited success, but the image of starving and dying children was a very new angle, which, with the help of mass communication, helped to deliver the message to a much broader public arena. [.]