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This research is premised on two theoretical constructs: that maps do not objectively depict space and that traditional cartography produces a geopolitical narrative. The research aim is to investigate geopolitical influence in modern, digital representations of space, and vice versa. This paper is divided into three parts: In the first, the digital representation of space is introduced and explained, and two widely acknowledged digital cartographic services are established as the empirical foundation of the research – Google (Google Maps and Google Earth), designed by cartographic and geo-data professionals, and OpenStreetMap, built through crowdsourcing. In the second part, the geopolitical features of traditional cartography are discussed in the context of digital mapping, including ethnocentricity and hierarchical representations of space, similarities to geopolitische karte, and "minor geopolitics." The final part asks and answers a key question about geopolitical subjectivity: "Who benefits from the geopolitical narratives in digital representations of space?" ; This research is premised on two theoretical constructs: that maps do not objectively depict space and that traditional cartography produces a geopolitical narrative. The research aim is to investigate geopolitical influence in modern, digital representations of space, and vice versa. This paper is divided into three parts: In the first, the digital representation of space is introduced and explained, and two widely acknowledged digital cartographic services are established as the empirical foundation of the research – Google (Google Maps and Google Earth), designed by cartographic and geo-data professionals, and OpenStreetMap, built through crowdsourcing. In the second part, the geopolitical features of traditional cartography are discussed in the context of digital mapping, including ethnocentricity and hierarchical representations of space, similarities to geopolitische karte, and "minor geopolitics." The final part asks and answers a key question about geopolitical subjectivity: "Who benefits from the geopolitical narratives in digital representations of space?"

U ovom se radu govori o međunarodnopravnom subjektivitetu Bosne i Hercegovine, u pravom smislu riječi. Priznanje državnosti od Ujedinjenih naroda sada već davne 1992. godine, članstvo u velikom broju međunarodnih organizacija, bezbroj programa jačanja institucionalnih kapaciteta, izdašna materijalna i nematerijalna međunarodna pomoć u svim segmentima društva, kao i svi pozitivni društveno-političko-ekonomski procesi implementirani od Daytona do danas nisu rezultirali odgovarajućim pozicioniranjem Bosne i Hercegovine u međunarodnim odnosima, u prvom redu među zemljama jugoistočne Europe. Budući da je taj subjektivitet izuzetno ograničen ili dugoročno neproduktivan, kada se radi o odnosima u regiji, uloga na ''većoj'' međunarodnoj sceni je zanemariva i time se nećemo baviti. Takva pozicija dolazi kao posljedica izuzetno složene unutarnje strukture Bosne i Hercegovine i odnosa između bosanskohercegovačkih političkih subjekata. Geopolitika je prema riječima ''oca geopolitike'' Rudolfa Kjellena praktičan i realističan pristup međunarodnoj politici gdje se poseban naglasak stavlja na ulogu koju za državu imaju teritorij i resursi. Ako ulogu koju neka država može imati u međunarodnoj politici determiniraju njezini resursi, kako to tumači Kjellen, onda Bosna i Hercegovina ima odlične predispozicije da postane važan ''igrač'' prije svega na prostoru jugoistočne Europe, ali i šire. Stvarnost je ipak malo drugačija. ; This paper deals with the international legal subjectivity of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the true sense of the word. Recognition of statehood by the United Nations back in 1992, membership in a large number of international organizations, countless programs of institutional capacity building, generous material and immaterial international assistance in all segments of society, as well as all positive socio-political-economic processes implemented from Dayton until today did not result in an appropriate positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina when it comes to international relations primarily among Southeast European countries. Since this subjectivity is exceptionally limited or long-term unproductive when it comes to relations in the region, the role on the "bigger" international scene is negligible and we will not deal with it. This position comes as a result of the extremely complex internal structure and the relations between political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to Rudolf Kjellen's "father of geopolitics", Geopolitics is a practical and realistic approach to international politics, where special emphasis is placed on the role of territory and resources for each state. If the position of state in international relations is determined by its resources as Kjellen explains, then Bosnia and Herzegovina has a great predisposition to become an important player, especially in the region of Southeast Europe and beyond. Reality is, however, a bit different.

Ovaj rad temelji se na analizi studije slučaja Republike Cipra o pokušajima rješavanja problema i europeizaciji samog otoka. Ciparski problem predstavlja jedan od dugovječnijih pokušaja provedbe mirovnog sporazuma između dvije etničke zajednice – ciparskih Grka i ciparskih Turaka. Od turske invazije na otok 1974. godine zaoštrili su se dodatno odnosi između sukobljenih strana. Velika Britanija, Turska i Grčka postale su jamci mira i sigurnosti te glavni pregovarači u rješavanju problema. Početkom pristupnih pregovora s Europskom unijom i ona službeno postaje umiješana u situaciju na otoku te provođenje europeizacije je označilo novu fazu razvoja otoka. Iako postoje brojna rješenja problema niti jedna strana ne pristaje na uvjete koji ne idu njima u korist. Najuspješnije rješenje do sada je održavanje statusa quo koje jamči mir i sigurnost objema stranama. Analizom dokumenata i literature nastoji se objasniti interes velikih svjetskih sila i Europske unije na Republiku Cipar te kakav je to utjecaj ostavilo u međunarodnoj zajednici i propalim diplomatskim pokušajima. ; This paper is based on an analysis of Cyprus as a case study on attempts to solve problems and the Europeanization of the island. Cyprus problem is one of the long-standing attempts of implementation of the peace agreement between two ethnic communities – Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. Since the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974, relations between the conflict parties have intensified. The United Kingdom, Turkey, and Greece have become guarantors of peace and security and have been the main negotiators in solving the problem. With the start of accession negotiations with the European Union, it officially becomes involved in the situation on the island and the implementation of Europeanization marks a new phase of island development. Although there are numerous solutions, neither side has agreed to the terms that will benefit them. The most successful solution so far is to maintain the status quo that guarantees peace and security for both ...

Prijetnja koja dotiče sadašnju Srednju Europu vezana je uz dvije skupine uzroka. Kao prvo, s politikom Rusije koja traži novo mjesto za sebe na globalnoj razini. Kao drugo, s krizom unutar same Unije, koja se većinom tiče zemalja Srednje Europe kao najmlađeg njezinog člana i onoga koji nosi postkomunistički teret. Geostrateški, ideološki i kulturološki aspekti povezani s prethodno spomenutim kompleksima prijetnje bit će predmet izlaganja na konferenciji. ; The threat that Central Europe faces nowadays is connected with two sets of causes. The first cause is Russian politics that attempts to establish a new position on a global level. And the second is the crisis within the Union, which has mainly affected Central European countries, their youngest members that still bear the post-communist burden. The paper focuses on geostrategic, ideological and cultural aspects regarding the abovementioned complex threat.

The geopolitical evolution represents a permanent process. It is mostly influenced by the geopolitical condition, in which the geopolitical relations and processes are evolving. The understanding of geopolitical evolution is impossible without the critical review and even rejection of the dominant geopolitical visions. There are various theoretical perspectives that reject the dominant geopolitical visions and discourses as well as geopolitical practices of the political elites. Those theoretical perspectives are known as: critical geopolitics, anti-geopolitics, subaltern geopolitics, feminist geopolitics, radical geopolitics. There are also various comprehensions of relationship between these theoretical perspectives, although it is clear that each of them is overlapped with others, and all of them are overlapped with critical geopolitics, differing in the focus of study and the identification of new moments, and at the same time being similar by their deflection from the dominant geopolitical vision and practices, to which they react in different ways: by criticizing, by putting resistance or offering alternatives. In this paper, the research focus is mostly on anti-geopolitics, a radical geopolitical vision that puts into question the relations of exploitation and dominance. Anti-geopolitics also represents a theoretical perspective that poses the most serious challenge to the dominant ways of representing the World. The proponents of anti-geopolitics focus their research on the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, as well as on the social movements and networks that offer a resistance to globalization and geo-economic logic that are advocated and practiced by the political-economic elites of states and multinational corporations and intergovernmental institutions, especially the financial ones. The paper also brings a brief review of the key aspects of other theoretical perspectives that represent a more or less radical deflection from the dominant geopolitical visions. Adapted from the source document.

Since its beginnings till the present day, Radovan Pavic has been the most frequent author in the area of Political Geography, Geopolitics and Geostrategy in Politicka misao. Although he was not the only author in this area, his work left a strong influence on the development of Political Geography and Geopolitics at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb and on the development of the discipline in Croatia. Having in mind the quantitative extension of his work, this paper analyzes the contribution in Politicka misao in the last fifty years (1964-2013). Besides quantitative analysis, the aim of this paper is content analysis on a geographical, thematic and theoretical basis. Adapted from the source document.

The Dubrovnik Republic existed as an autonomous political community, in complex geopolitical conditions, for no less than 450 years (1358-1808). Throughout this period the political system was neither changed nor was it seriously endangered from within. This makes the Dubrovnik Republic a unique phenomenon. The text puts forward a concise analysis of the historical-political circumstances, of the Republic's political & legal system, & of its republican ideology. Furthermore, three important theorists of the Dubrovnik republican ideology are contextualized, namely Nikola Gucetic, Tomo Basiljevic & Ivo Nadali. A closer look is provided into Gucetic's theoretical views on Dubrovnik republicanism. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the political & geopolitical genesis of the Kosovo crisis & offers a polemically intoned criticism of the great powers regarding their policies in the entire territory of the former Yugoslavia, particularly Kosovo. The author advocates the continuation of the military struggle of the Kosovo Albanians until they have achieved their total political independence. 5 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

This works examines the concept of boundary through the prism of postmodern geopolitics. Through an analysis of theses by eminent authors in this field, the author aims at a synthetic representation and evaluation of the complexity of the globalisation phenomenon, and of the consequences that can be caused by deterritorialisation in the postmodern contextualisation of boundaries and space. Some premature theses regarding the "end of geography" or the states' loss of power in the contemporary world, have promptly been countered by well-founded criticism of the scientific community. The central section of the work inquires into the character of deterritorialisation, and analyses the traps inherent to contemporary research of territory and the geopolitical characteristics thereof. Adapted from the source document.

Foreign policy & diplomatic skills played a key role in the survival & development of the Dubrovnik Republic for more than four & a half centuries. Throughout the period, the Dubrovnik Republic had foreign-policy sovereignty, which was manifest in the fact that it autonomously decided upon its relations with other states (including recognition of other states), signed international contracts, & established & maintained diplomatic & consular relations. Through timely awareness of the advantages of their geopolitical position & through their orientation towards the sea, the people of Dubrovnik entered into numerous international political & trade relations, both with countries in their continental background & with countries throughout, & beyond, the Mediterranean. They were able to assess & utilize such geopolitical & other relevant characteristics wisely & skillfully in the defense of their independence, sovereignty & economic growth, resorting almost exclusively to diplomatic means & diplomatic skill. The Dubrovnik foreign policy was based on the principle of remaining neutral in international conflicts & of stressing its position of the last Christian enclave in south-eastern Europe. As a small country with no military force, Dubrovnik managed to survive by seeking protection of powerful states, such as the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, the Pope, the Spanish King and, finally, Turkey. In spite of the fact that first the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, & then Turkey, provided it with "supreme protection," the Dubrovnik Republic succeeded in establishing & preserving for centuries all relevant components of state sovereignty. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes historical & contemporary geopolitical position of the Black Sea region. Up to the present times the primary significance of the region has lain in its trade routes & other transit communications that connect Europe, the Middle East & Asia. Having such geografic position the region has been an interest sphere of great powers & regional states & conquerors. Today most of states of the Black Sea region are economically poor, have unstable political systems & burdened with constant & potential explosive problems. References. Adapted from the source document.