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The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.

The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.

W artykule omówiono zarys problematyki gruzińskiego parlamentaryzmu, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem funkcjonowania Parlamentu Gruzji w okresie między 1990 i 2013 rokiem. Autorzy na podstawie zapisów Konstytucji z 1995 roku oraz innych ustaw przedstawili pozycję ustrojową gruzińskiego parlamentu. Nakreślili zasady systemowe i suwerena, omówili kompetencje poszczególnych organów państwa, relacje między prezydentem a rządem, zasady funkcjonowania i całą organizację procesu prawodawczego. Podsumowując należy podkreślić, że pozycja ustrojowa gruzińskiego parlamentu w omawianym okresie jest podobna do funkcjonowania parlamentu w klasycznym systemie prezydenckim. ; The paper presents an outline of Georgian parliamentarism and, subsequently, the institution of the Georgian parliament itself in the period between 1990 and 2013. The next section describes the structural position of the Parliament of Georgia by analyzing its Constitution of 1995, as well other acts of parliament. It also mentions the systemic principles, definition of sovereign authority, competence of the governing bodies of the state, the relationships between the President and the Government, as well as the existing internal organization and the scope of legislation. In the conclusion it is stressed that the structural position of the Georgian Parliament in the given period is similar to the position of parliaments in the presidential model of government.

W artykule omówiono zarys problematyki gruzińskiego parlamentaryzmu, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem funkcjonowania Parlamentu Gruzji w okresie między 1990 i 2013 rokiem. Autorzy na podstawie zapisów Konstytucji z 1995 roku oraz innych ustaw przedstawili pozycję ustrojową gruzińskiego parlamentu. Nakreślili zasady systemowe i suwerena, omówili kompetencje poszczególnych organów państwa, relacje między prezydentem a rządem, zasady funkcjonowania i całą organizację procesu prawodawczego. Podsumowując należy podkreślić, że pozycja ustrojowa gruzińskiego parlamentu w omawianym okresie jest podobna do funkcjonowania parlamentu w klasycznym systemie prezydenckim. ; The paper presents an outline of Georgian parliamentarism and, subsequently, the institution of the Georgian parliament itself in the period between 1990 and 2013. The next section describes the structural position of the Parliament of Georgia by analyzing its Constitution of 1995, as well other acts of parliament. It also mentions the systemic principles, definition of sovereign authority, competence of the governing bodies of the state, the relationships between the President and the Government, as well as the existing internal organization and the scope of legislation. In the conclusion it is stressed that the structural position of the Georgian Parliament in the given period is similar to the position of parliaments in the presidential model of government.

The article presents relations between Georgia and the United States of America in the years 1992–2009. Time frames were not selected randomly and represent the establishment of bilateral relations between states on 23 April 1992 and the signing of strategic partnership agreement on 9 January 2009. United States interest in Georgia was due to a policy of diversification of energy resources of the Caspian Sea within the boundaries of Azerbaijan. In diversification plans, Georgia was to be a transit area for oil and gas to Western Europe. Position of Georgia was reinforced by the intention to avoid the territory of the Russian Federation, and the Armenian direction was impossible because the Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The United States supported Georgia's aspirations for membership in NATO and the European Union allocating significant financial assistance and support for administrative reform, economic and government. ; W artykule przedstawiono relacje Gruzji ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi Ameryki w latach 1992–2009. Ramy czasowe nie zostały wybrane przypadkowo i odnoszą się do daty nawiązania relacji bilateralnych między państwami 23 kwietnia 1992 roku oraz podpisania umowy o partnerstwie strategicznym 9 stycznia 2009 roku. Zainteresowanie Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki Gruzją wynikało z polityki dywersyfikacji zasobów energetycznych Morza Kaspijskiego znajdujących się w granicach Azerbejdżanu. Gruzja w planach dywersyfikacyjnych miała stanowić terytorium tranzytowe dla ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego do Europy Zachodniej. Jej pozycję wzmacniała chęć ominięcia terytorium Federacji Rosyjskiej, a kierunek ormiański był niemożliwy z powodu azersko-ormiańskiego konfliktu o Górski Karabach. Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki wspierały dążenia Gruzji do członkostwa w Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckim oraz Unii Europejskiej, przeznaczając znaczną pomoc finansową oraz wspierając ją w reformach administracyjnych, gospodarczych oraz samorządowych.

Georgia's strategic location in the Caucasus means that it has always been in the spotlight of world powers, especially Russia. An opportunity for Georgia is to build and deepen democratic processes, social, economic and political reforms and to establish cooperation with international structures. Georgia declared independence on 9th April 1991 and on 26th May 1991 general presidential elections were held under the banner "Georgia for Georgians". Despite the announcements made by successive presidents, Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Eduard Shevardnadze, the attempts to carry out political and economic reforms failed. In 2003, an opportunity for democratic change turned up. It was the Rose Revolution and its leader, Micheil Saakashvili. After his first successes, however, it turned out that he also did not stray from authoritarianism, the strengthening of the president's position, and even from the use of force (2007). The next stages and the possibility of democratic changes were to be parliamentary elections in 2012 and 2016 and presidential elections in 2013.

The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.

The aim of this paper is to examine the importance of generational dialogue in the Georgian political tradition. The research statement of this paper is that the generational dialogue in Georgia, which is not particularly rooted in the political tradition, is currently flat and unconstant. In addition, due to the current situation of Georgia related to the democratization of the state, a new chapter for Georgian generational dialogue can be opened. To analyze this research problem, I have used a number of research methods based partly on secondary and primary sources, i.e. expert interviews were conducted online with Georgian researchers from the Ivane Javakhivshvili Tbilisi State University and Ilia State University. The paper is a snapshot of the theory of generational dialogue, and it presents the work of Polish scientists. Moreover, it examines the generational dialogue in the post-Soviet area, and this analysis can be developed in further scientific publications. The study of generational dialogue is essential for analyzing the perception of democracy and democratization among the generations in Georgia.

The Author analyses the infl uence of confl ict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described confl ict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the infl uence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in confl ict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The goal behind the Eastern Partnership programme was the development of political, economic, and social links between the European Union and the European states developed in the wake of the breakdown of the USSR (with the exception of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia). The author believes that the goal was achieved in the case of three Transcaucasian countries. On the one hand, EU standards began to be implemented in these countries by the implementation of EU's acquis communautaire in the law of these states, which allows trade exchange and more extensive economic cooperation along the principles of the EU. On the other hand, in the case of these countries, the EU avoided any declaration concerning their future membership in the EU, which poses a fundamental problem in the relations with the remaining members of the Eastern Partnership programme.

May 2019 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of the European Union's Eastern Partnership initiative, which encourages democratic reforms in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the strengthening of the relations and cooperation between these countries and the EU. During this period, significant results were achieved in terms of political association, economic relations and regulatory convergence. Thanks to this initiative, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine signed association and free trade area agreements (DCFTAs) and achieved visa-free travel. One of the main drawbacks of the programme at this stage is that it does not provide for a differentiated approach towards partner countries and deeper cooperation with those already signatory to Association Agreements. The anniversary of the Eastern Partnership encourages to take stock of the results of the initiative and identify perspectives for its further development. The aim of this article is to identify the main achievements of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of Ukraine's priorities and interests, as well as to propose a new effective model of relations between Ukraine and other partner countries with the EU under this initiative. The text sets out and analyses the main stages of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the years 1991–2019, especially the participation of Ukraine in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. The article shows that the Eastern Partnership policy and its implementation mechanisms need a structural review and differentiated, individual approaches that would meet the needs, expectations and interests of all the parties. If the EU intends to continue building mutually beneficial relations with its eastern neighbours, it should not only maintain the existing initiative, but also adapt it effectively to the challenges of the present. The EU should therefore develop a sufficiently attractive and effective model of cooperation to support pro-European reforms in its partner countries.

W niniejszym artykule autor analizuje procesy kształtowania się politycznych systemów w państwach Kaukazu Południowego. Wskazuje przy tym na patologiczne zjawiska funkcjonujące w elitach władzy oraz w systemach politycznych tych państw. Analizie poddane zostały także konflikty w Górskim Karabachu, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej, które nadal dominują w życiu politycznym Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji. Są podstawą ideologii i programów politycznych elit walczących o władzę, a także znacząco wpływają na styl przywództwa. W politycznej walce znaczącą rolę odgrywały elity wojskowe, które szybko awansowały na szczyt władzy. Autor próbuje wyjaśnić, jak konflikty w Górskim Karabachu, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej wpływają na proces transformacji ustrojowej państw regionu. Kolejnym aspektem analizy jest odpowiedź na pytanie, jak tradycja, kultura, psychologia, styl życia i interesy politycznych elit Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji wpływają na rezultaty pokojowego uregulowania konfliktów. ; The Author analyses proces of the formation of political regimes in Southern Caucasus. He points to the pathological phenomena in the functioning of power elites and political regimes of those states. The Author analyses the influence of conflict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described conflict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the influence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in conflict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The European Union has actively engaged itself in cooperation with its Eastern neighbours. The Eastern Partnership is a concept of political cooperation and economic integration in the future with six countries – Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Republic of Armenia regards this programme as a framework for improving its market institutions and judicial system and for creation of business opportunities. Although Armenia decided not to sign the Association Agreement and join the Russia-led Eurasiatic Customs Union, there is still room for cooperation with the EU on a sector-by-sector basis. The paper is divided in three parts. The first one describes the history of the Armenian cooperation with the European Union within the Eastern Partnership. The second part deals with the barriers and opportunities for mutual cooperation. The last part shows the changes in the Armenian economy during the last decade.

The geopolitical rivalry and the clash of interests between the superpowers have been present in the Black Sea region for centuries. During the Cold War when the East-West divide was at its height, the Black Sea was "excluded" from geopolitical competition between the superpowers as it became the domain of mainly one player – the Soviet Union. The dismantling of the Pax Sovietica and the subsequent collapse of the Cold War gave rise to a new geopolitical situation in the Black Sea region. The former USSR was superseded by the Russian Federation and other political entities independent from Russia, yet having strong bonds with the region both in terms of geography and their political and cultural interests. These were new states like Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, but also former Soviet satellite states such as Bulgaria and Romania. In other words, the collapse of the USSR entailed the emergence of a new system of geopolitical power in the post-Soviet space.

This article is devoted to the evaluation of the Eastern Partnership from the point of view of the implementation of Russia's foreign policy. Using the research approach of constructivism, it analyses Russia's attitude towards the EU's Eastern Partnership project, as well as Russia's reactions to the implementation of the EaP. Therefore, the subject of the analysis is not so much the relations of the EU and Russia with six states: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, as well as Russia's and the EU's narratives on its neighbourhood. This will make it possible to examine to what extent the position of one actor (EU) in relation to another (Russia) has been strengthened/weakened and, secondly, how the argumentation has promoted (the given message) in legitimizing the project as a whole, for both internal and external use. These projects were, on the one hand, Russia's "close abroad" and, on the other, the EU's "common neighbourhood".