Suchergebnisse

This article is aimed at presenting a series of activities and systematic efforts that have found a place in the development of a Plan for Gender Equality in Research and academia. This endeavor is part of SPEAR project "Supporting and Implementing Plans for Gender Equality in Academia and Research" under the EU Horizon 2020 Program: to develop specific approaches, activities, and measures systematized in Plans for gender equality to be implemented in the university environment, taking into account the specific national and regional characteristics of universities and structures. The SPEAR project involves universities and non-governmental organizations from 9 European countries: Denmark, Germany, Hungary, Sweden, Austria, Croatia, Portugal, Lithuania, and Bulgaria (SWU "Neofit Rilski" and PU "P. Hilendarski"). The article reveals the purposeful actions of the team from SWU "N. Rilski" in the direction of creating such a plan, which refers to several structural and organizational aspects. As a basis for the development of the Plan, the article shows the results of a quantitative online survey, which presents attitudes and opinions on the topic of gender equality in social activities and research, as well as the results of in-depth interviews with the SWU deans' and rector's authorities under the topic of women's participation in management and research activities. The article shows the importance of gender equality as an opportunity for active participation in research and teaching of capable and proactive people.

AbstractHepatitis E virus (HEV) is a foodborne zoonotic pathogen and known as the causative agent of hepatitis E in humans. The specific role of porcine liver as a vehicle for human HEV infections has been highlighted in different studies. Nevertheless, gaps of knowledge still exist regarding possible HEV cross-contamination both at consumer and production level. Furthermore, people working in the food production industry, e.g. veterinarians and abattoir employees, are exposed to an increased risk of HEV infection. The aim of the present study was to investigate HEV cross-contamination on the surface of porcine liver in a German abattoir. The sample set included 250 samples of porcine liver parenchyma and the corresponding 250 superficial layer samples of the same livers, which were analyzed for the presence of HEV ribonucleic acid (RNA). Afterwards, the initial status of the tested liver parenchyma was compared with the occurrence of HEV RNA in the corresponding superficial layer. HEV RNA was detectable in 34% (85/250) of superficial layer samples, with 58% (49/85) of the samples originated from initially HEV negative livers. To our knowledge, this is the first study that provides an insight in the potential of HEV cross-contamination at abattoir level in Germany. Furthermore, it could be identified that the joint storage of livers in Euro meat containers has a significant impact on the presence of HEV RNA on the surface of porcine liver.

AbstractThe socially inclusive educational expansion during the last few decades in Germany diluted the previous "elite" status of the Gymnasium and its certificate, the Abitur. In the absence of explicit "elite" institutions, unlike the UK, the USA or France, the question remains how social privilege is intergenerationally transferred in times of educational expansion? Several studies on this topic focused on distinction either through horizontal educational differentiation or via distinctive leisure activities. Building on Bourdieu's theory of distinction and Lareau's study on child-rearing practices, we argue that it is the set of different strategies of distinction that serves as a mechanism to reproduce privilege. Hence, we ask the question how parents' and grandparents' educational background influences the probability of applying a whole set of distinctive strategies. To test our assumptions, we use data from the youth questionnaire of the German Socio-Economic panel and analyse the effect of educational background on the application of distinctive educational strategies and distinctive leisure practices and the combination of both domains. The results indicate three main findings: first, having parents with an academic education increases the probability of applying any of the distinctive strategies under consideration. Second, having academically educated grandparents increases the probability of combining distinctive strategies within one domain. Third, the data do not support the assumption that the combination of curricular and leisure practices is particularly socially stratified.

The measures against the spread of the Covid-19 virus have massive effects on local economies. By means of an explorative qualitative case study in deprived neighbourhoods in the Middle Lower Rhine region of Germany, this paper explicitly aims at examining the Corona pandemic's impact on their endogenous potential. In this context, the focus is on organisations whose main contribution lies in the fulfilment of the function of integration and communication. The analysis is based on theoretical concepts of the local economy, but it also refers to crisis as well as transition research, especially the multilevel perspective framework. By means of desktop research, a focus group with multipliers involved in local economic contexts as well as thirteen guideline-based interviews with the heads of local organisations, the subsequent analysis reveals the partially counteracting effects of the Corona pandemic on the organisations' socio-economic embeddedness. On the one hand, they are threatened by economic bottlenecks, by pending social consequences of a longer period without or with minimized offerings as well as by fear of contagion and exhaustion. While the organisation's perceived level of urgency varies greatly, their level of uncertainty is generally high. On the other hand, organisations of the local economy benefit from a positive push in the areas of digitization and new life and working environments (home-based work), as well as from a strengthening of local solidarity and cohesion.

AbstractThe overuse of fertilizers in agriculture and their entry into freshwater has many negative impacts on biodiversity and poses problems for drinking water resources in Germany. In response to exceeding levels of nitrate concentrations in groundwater in parts of the country, an intense public dispute evolved and a significant policy change in fertilizer regulation occurred in 2020. Based on the German case of agricultural water pollution, this study demonstrates in an innovative way how discourse network analysis is a fruitful method for the integrated study of actor coalitions and their use of narrative strategies in public debate. Theoretically, the study draws on the narrative policy framework (NPF) to explain how actor coalitions use narrative strategies to attempt to influence policymaking on water pollution by agricultural activities. The empirical analysis builds on newspaper articles and press releases disseminated between 2010 and 2020. The results demonstrate how two opposing actor coalitions with congruent policy beliefs formed in the struggle over fertilizer regulation. These not only diverged in their policy beliefs but also differed in their use of narrative strategies to try to expand or contain the policy issue. More precisely, the coalitions adapted their narratives over time in response to changes in the likelihood to win or lose. Furthermore, the results suggest the coalition in favor of stricter fertilizer regulation was more sophisticated in its effort to mobilize specific target groups. Overall, the article provides a valuable contribution to the literature on the NPF by combining research on coalition formation and policy narratives.

Several special questioning techniques have been developed in order to counteract misreporting to sensitive survey questions, for example, on criminal behavior. However, doubts have been raised concerning their validity and practical value as well as the strategy of testing their validity using the "more-is-better" assumption in comparative survey experiments. This is because such techniques can be prone to generating false positive estimates, that is, counting "innocent" respondents as "guilty" ones. This article investigates the occurrence of false positive estimates by comparing direct questioning, the crosswise model (CM), and the item count technique (ICT). We analyze data from two online surveys (N = 2,607 and 3,203) carried out in Germany and Switzerland. Respondents answered three questions regarding traits for which it is known that their prevalence in reality is zero. The results show that CM suffers more from false positive estimates than ICT. CM estimates amount to up to 15 percent for a given true value of zero. The mean of the ICT estimates is not significantly different from zero. We further examine factors causing the biased estimates of CM and show that speeding through the questionnaire (random answering) and problems with the measurement procedure—namely regarding the unrelated questions—are responsible. Our findings suggest that CM is problematic and should not be used or evaluated without the possibility of accounting for false positives. For ICT, the issue is less severe.

AbstractService trade has become an important engine of world economic growth. Using complex network method and temporal exponential random graph models, we constructed the Belt and Road service trade networks (BR‐STNs) and global service trade networks (G‐STNs) in 2010–2017, systematically analysed the features of BR‐STNs compared with G‐STNs, and tested the factors affecting their evolution. We find that (a) the scale of BR‐STNs is small, but potential is huge. The BR‐STNs present the features of small‐world, larger degree disassortativity, lower reciprocity, and smaller heterogeneity than G‐STNs. (b) The BR‐STNs are divided into three communities and their pattern is more stable than G‐STNs. (c) Luxembourg, Italy and Singapore are the core in BR‐STNs, but there is a gap compared with the USA, the UK and Germany. (d) Reciprocity, structural embeddedness, the clustering effect and stability play important roles in the evolution of BR‐STNs and these effects increased after the proposal of the BRI. Economy‐pairs with similar trade openness, urbanization rates and quality of institution, and with different GDP and per capita GDP are more likely to trade. Countries with higher GDP, trade openness or quality of institution are active. Sharing a language, religion, colonial relationship or border, signing regional trade agreements and using a common currency facilitate service trade between countries in BR.

Case law in environmental and climate protection matters in recent years has been characterised by an expansion of access to justice. This can largely be attributed to the relevant legal framework under international and European Union law. In Germany, this development is reflected in the case law on the scope of application of the Umwelt-Rechtsbehelfsgesetz (Environmental Remedies Act), which essentially creates a representative action for environmental associations. The impact of environmental associations is particularly evident in air quality law. In recent years, however, also the protection of individual rights has once again attracted the attention of the courts. The Court of Justice of the European Union has confirmed its broad understanding of natural and legal persons' enforceable rights that contribute to the realisation of environmental protection. This provides a further example of the different standards of protection at the levels of the Member States and the European Union. While the CJEU promotes the guarantee of effective legal protection by the national courts, it abides by a restrictive understanding of access requirements at the Union level – especially for the action for annulment, as in the Carvalho judgment. By contrast, the climate decision of the German Federal Constitutional Court illustrates the potential of individual (fundamental) rights protection for climate protection. Comparing the CJEU's and the FCC's recent case law therefore only reinforces the impression that the CJEU is not a genuine constitutional and fundamental rights court.

The current study compares the two translations of Ahlam Mostaghenami's second novel Fawda Al-Hawas into English as Chaos of the Senses by (Baria Ahmar Sreih, 2004) and Chaos of the Senses by (Nancy Roberts, 2015) and examines the reception of both translations in the English-speaking communities where they were circulated. The study seeks to find out answers to questions about: the reasons for retranslating Fawda Al-Hawas after a relatively short period of time after its first translation, the roles of human agents such as the author, translators, and publishers in the production and reception of the two translations of Fawda Al-Hawas , how the retranslation tried to avoid previous problems, if any, that hindered the circulation of the first translation, the role of paratexts in the reception of the two translations. The study draws on major concepts form reception theory as adopted by (Brown, 1994) in her study of Latin American novels published in West Germany. Specifically, the current study draws a close comparison of the paratexts associated with the two translations of Mostaghenami's Fawda Al-Hawasas well as the roles of stakeholders. The study concludes that despite the use of more paratextual elements as well as textual improvements in the retranslation, it has not shown better results in terms of reception and circulation.

Received: 4 May 2021 / Accepted: 9 August 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021

The data product NEPS-SC1-ADIAB is provided cooperatively by the Institute for Employment Research (IAB), Nuremberg, and the Leibniz Institute for Educational Trajectories (LIfBi), Bamberg. NEPS-SC1-ADIAB consists of the survey and test data of Starting Cohort 1 - Newborns "Education from the very beginning" of the National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) and the administrative data of the IAB. The sample of this Starting Cohort includes children born in Germany between February 2012 and July 2012 and their families. The data collection took place on an annual basis from the second wave in 2013 onwards. The initial survey was conducted from August 2012 to March 2013. In general, NEPS aims to study educational trajectories as well as the development of competencies from the very beginning. For this, data are collected on competence development, educational processes as well as on early skills in the familial and non-familial context of the children. By interviewing one parent, the study contains comprehensive information about the parents, the children and their environment. In addition, NEPS asks a broad range of questions, especially on numerous biographical and socio-demographic characteristics.
The NEPS-SC1-ADIAB can be used to investigate research questions that, for instance, require highly accurate income data over the life course. Furthermore, the enrichment of NEPS-SC1 data results in an extension of the observation period as the administrative data of the IAB date back to 1980.

Abstract
This second part of a two-part article moves ahead in showing how the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) came to play a key role in the disinformation campaign launched by the Soviet State Security Committee (KGB) in 1983 regarding the origins of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS). The KGB launched the campaign itself, but in the mid-1980s it sought to widen the effort by enlisting the cooperation of intelligence services in other Warsaw Pact countries, especially the Stasi. From the autumn of 1986 until November 1989, the Stasi played a central role in the disinformation campaign. Despite pressure from the U.S. government and a general inclination of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to curtail the campaign by the end of 1987, both the KGB and the USSR's official Novosti press agency continued until 1989 to spread false allegations that HIV was a U.S. biological weapon. Even after the KGB curtailed its disinformation in 1989, the Stasi continued to disseminate falsehoods, not least because it had successfully maintained plausible deniability regarding its role in the campaign. The Stasi worked behind the scenes to support the work of Soviet–East German scientists Jakob Segal and Lilli Segal and to facilitate dissemination of the Segals' views in West Germany and Great Britain, especially through the leftwing media, and to purvey broader disinformation about HIV/AIDS by attacking U.S. biological and chemical weapons in general.

How do social identities contribute to the formation of coalitions in a policy subsystem? Social identities help to understand the bundling of resources and common strategies for action. Thus, we argue that identification with a group and across groups discursively results in the formulation of shared and competing storylines. As coalitions are characterized by some kind of sameness of their actors which results in shared storylines, we thereby postulate that the link between storylines and social identities provides added value to the explanation of coalition formation. We test whether shared storylines can be traced back to social identities in the different discursive periods of traffic development on a local level in Germany. A media analysis of 110 articles and 14 interviews shows that the assignment of certain group characteristics is discursively confirmed, renegotiated, or rejected. Social identities, therefore, matter for coalition formation.Related ArticlesChang, Katherine T., and Elizabeth A. Koebele. 2020. "What Drives Coalitions' Narrative Strategy? Exploring Policy Narratives around School Choice." Politics & Policy 48 (4): 618‐657. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12367Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. "Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion." Politics & Policy 39 (3): 373‐400. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00295.xVercesi, Michelangelo. 2016. "Coalition Politics and Inter‐Party Conflict Management: A Theoretical Framework." Politics & Policy 44 (2): 168‐219. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12154

This article approaches "good citizenship(s)" in its historical connection with the status of "worker." It scrutinizes how and to what extent the perception of the "good citizen" changed from the Great Depression to the foundations of the post‐war welfare state. It compares unemployment policies in the United Kingdom and Italy from the 1930s to the early 1950s, to grasp how these schemes reflected the shifting features of "good citizenship(s)." The article emphasizes policy legacies that reshaped citizenship and the attached social rights after 1945. These continuities rest in the link between the full participation to the political community and "work" as a distinguishing trait of the "good citizen" deserving social benefits. Apparently diluted by the post‐war "Marshallian consensus," these deep‐seated understandings resurfaced with contemporary workfare systems. The connection between "good citizenship" and "work" lends itself to further transdisciplinary studies on the theoretical and political foundations of today's welfare systems.Related Articles in this Special IssueBarrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Citizenship as a Tool of Government in Europe."Politics & Policy49 (4).Ewert, Benjamin. 2021. "Citizenship as a Form of Anticipatory Obedience? Implications of Preventive Health Policy in Germany."Politics & Policy49 (4).Haapajärvi, Linda. 2021. "On the Importance of Playing House: Belonging‐Work and the Making of Relational Citizens in Finnish Immigrant Integration Policies."Politics & Policy49 (4).

Abstract
Why do modern states recruit legionnaires—foreigners who are neither citizens nor subjects of the country whose military they serve? Rather than exclusively enlist citizens for soldiers, for the past two centuries states have mobilized legionnaires to help wage offensives, project power abroad, and suppress dissent. A supply-and-demand argument explains why states recruit these troops, framing the choice to mobilize legionnaires as a function of political factors that constrain the government's leeway to recruit domestically and its perceptions about the territorial threats it faces externally. A multimethod approach evaluates these claims, first by examining an original dataset of legionnaire recruitment from 1815 to 2020, then by employing congruence tests across World War II participants, and finally by conducting a detailed review of a hard test case for the argument—Nazi Germany. The prevalence of states' recruitment of legionnaires calls for a reevaluation of existing narratives about the development of modern militaries and provides new insights into how states balance among the competing imperatives of identity, norms, and security. Legionnaire recruitment also underscores the need to recalibrate existing methods of calculating net assessments and preparing for strategic surprise. Far from being bound to a state's citizenry or borders, the theory and evidence show how governments use legionnaires to buttress their military power and to engineer rapid changes in the quality and quantity of the soldiers that they field.

Abstract
Memorial sites document aspects of history. Thus, they represent a historical past deemed relevant by the initiators in the public sphere. The former Stasi detention center and district administration in Dresden Bautzner Straße is a memorial site that is dedicated to a critical representation of the communist dictatorship in East Germany. This does, however, not tell much about the historical site's meaning to the visitors. In order to get an impression of the visitors' spontaneous reactions and thoughts, I systematically examine and categorize the memorial site's visitor books. Through these books, memorial sites offer visitors the opportunity to write down their thoughts thereby enabling an open channel of communication. My focus is on entries by persons who explicitly identify as former inmates of the very detention center they visited. They make up roughly 10 percent of all entries. I examine which thoughts former Stasi prisoners wrote down having visited their place of ordeal. What feelings and thoughts emerge after the visit? My aim is to shed light on the memorial site's significance and importance for the prisoner's individual memory by analyzing the entries' type and content. The visitor books offer an authentic and intriguing access to former political prisoners' mental world and their individual memory. This contribution connects the media representation of the communist dictatorship and its meaning for the former prisoners' individual memory.