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With the rise of emerging economy EE as main engine of global growth, the intensified competition in the wind energy industry and internationalization to EE, enterprises need to rethink and innovate their business models in order to succeed. The overall purpose of this article is to increase our understanding of the drivers of business model innovation (BMI) in EE, particularly in the wind energy industry. Qualitative, multi-case design is applied, where three cases within wind energy industry in Africa are studied - Siemens (Germany), Suzlon (India) and Goldwind (China). The results show that there is a difference between 'Developed-country Multinational Enterprises' (DMNEs), such as Siemens, and 'Emerging-county Multinational Enterprises', such as Suzlon and Goldwind, in the way they approach BMI in EE. To gain a competitive advantage in EE requires capabilities to deal with the specific EE related drivers of change: 1) fast growth and high demand combined with high uncertainty; 2) lower level of market-oriented socioeconomic development; 3) stronger governmental influence on the market; and 4) the need for simple, cheap and easy to maintain technologies. Therefore, it is important that managers position their enterprises in the EE first as local players and only then as multinationals. Our study indicates that future research should focus on the main elements and the drivers of change that would shape BMI by adding new variables, specifically related to EE.

This study is about the law development of social democracy in the perspective of Eduard Bernstein andAnthony Giddens. It applied the method of qualitative analysis and used the library research, the data inthis study analyzed with the content of analysis. The main purposes of this study wants to describe andanalysis of Law Development of Social Democracy in the perspective of Bernstein and Giddens.Socialism Democracy of Bernstein and Cosmopolitan Democracy of Giddens used as toll of comparative.Social Democracy has been revision three times, Bernstein is the first generation, The second generationis Social Democratic Party of Germany with The bad Godesberg Program and the last is Giddens. Theinteresting of this study is the basic difference among Bernstein and Giddens in the understanding ofconcept of Social Democracy. The different time and context imply the different ontology andepistemology to this ideology. If Bernstein lived in the time of raised of capitalism and Industrialization inEurope, Giddens has lived in the time of this ideology must be against the raises of Neo liberalism andGlobalization. Actually The basic concept of Social democracy of Bersntein is his critics to the theory andconcept of Karl Marx, this causes the different perspective with Giddens. Finally Giddens made thisideology more Liberal than before, many political scientist assume that The Third Way of Giddens is thecontinuously of Capitalism.Keywords : Social Democracy, Bad Godesberg and Capitalism

Die Verkehrsinfrastruktur in Deutschland ist chronisch unterfinanziert. Das belegen die Berichte zahlreicher Kommissionen zur Verkehrsinfrastrukturfinanzierung. Notwendige Maßnahmen zur Erhaltung, die durch das ständig wachsende Verkehrsaufkommen dringend erforderlich sind, werden nur in unzureichendem Maße getätigt. Die Autoren des Zeitgesprächs analysieren die Defizite bei der Verkehrsinfrastruktur und wägen unterschiedliche Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten wie Maut- und Fondslösungen gegeneinander ab. ; In German transport infrastructure provision, political decision-making and a lack of user charges are the main reasons for inefficiencies, such as underinvestment, misallocation of funds and congestions. In the last decades, transport policy in Germany has focused on network extensions, while maintaining and renewing the infrastructure have been neglected. Additional financial resources will be needed to restore the quality of the federal, state and local transportation networks, in order of magnitude of €7.2 billion p.a. in the next 15 years. Although the government collects about €45 billion in taxes and infrastructure charges from road transport, it is unable to fund the transport infrastructure adequately. Several committees have suggested new concepts to provide sufficient funding, continuity and efficiency for renewing the transport infrastructure, and different options of raising more funds are under discussion (launching a fund, increasing general or energy taxes, extending road charges). Special attention is paid to the political economy of public funding and both tax and charge resistance which are considered to be the main obstacle rather than a lack of ideas or scientific knowledge. In the end, German transport infrastructure does not only need additional money but also structural reforms to increase efficiency in the infrastructure sector.

39 pages ; Political geographers draw distinctions in English between borders, usually conceived of as lines on a map, and frontiers, which are seen as zones. In German, Grenze, a word borrowed from Slavic, and reflecting ethnic differences is often used for both. In French frontière with its roots in medieval warfare, covers both concepts. Beginning with some considerations of Alsace/Elsaß as a frontier zone between Germany and France, this paper will review ongoing debates among historians of nationalism on the definitions of nations, states, and frontiers. It will then trace the historical development in Europe of these concepts from antiquity into the early modern period. It was during the dynastic power struggles of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that the concepts of nation and state took on fundamental political significance as rules made claims to sovereignty in the name of historical nations and borders became enshrined in "international" law as the result of the peace treaties sighed in Westphalia in 1648. The essay questions both the historical depth of nations, states, and borders and the teleological assumption of their inevitability and permanence in human political relationships. Nations, states, and borders are mental constructs. They were imagined and can be reimagined. A close examination of Alsatian history shows the bloody historical effects of applying these concepts arbitrarily in a cultural borderland and the potential for a different political future for Europe by reimagining borders.

We study the ever more integrated and ever more unbalanced trade relationships between European countries. To better capture the complexity of economic networks, we propose two global measures that assess the trade integration and the trade imbalances of the European countries. These measures are the network (or indirect) counterparts to traditional (or direct) measures such as the trade-to-GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and trade deficit-to-GDP ratios. Our indirect tools account for the European inter-country trade structure and follow (i) a decomposition of the global trade flow into elementary flows that highlight the long-range dependencies between exporting and importing economies and (ii) the commute-time distance for trade integration, which measures the impact of a perturbation in the economy of a country on another country, possibly through intermediate partners by domino effect. Our application addresses the impact of the launch of the Euro. We find that the indirect imbalance measures better identify the countries ultimately bearing deficits and surpluses, by neutralizing the impact of trade transit countries, such as the Netherlands. Among others, we find that ultimate surpluses of Germany are quite concentrated in only three partners. We also show that for some countries, the direct and indirect measures of trade integration diverge, thereby revealing that these countries (e.g. Greece and Portugal) trade to a smaller extent with countries considered as central in the European Union network.

We study the ever more integrated and ever more unbalanced trade relationships between European countries. To better capture the complexity of economic networks, we propose two global measures that assess the trade integration and the trade imbalances of the European countries. These measures are the network (or indirect) counterparts to traditional (or direct) measures such as the trade-to-GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and trade deficit-to-GDP ratios. Our indirect tools account for the European inter-country trade structure and follow (i) a decomposition of the global trade flow into elementary flows that highlight the long-range dependencies between exporting and importing economies and (ii) the commute-time distance for trade integration, which measures the impact of a perturbation in the economy of a country on another country, possibly through intermediate partners by domino effect. Our application addresses the impact of the launch of the Euro. We find that the indirect imbalance measures better identify the countries ultimately bearing deficits and surpluses, by neutralizing the impact of trade transit countries, such as the Netherlands. Among others, we find that ultimate surpluses of Germany are quite concentrated in only three partners. We also show that for some countries, the direct and indirect measures of trade integration diverge, thereby revealing that these countries (e.g. Greece and Portugal) trade to a smaller extent with countries considered as central in the European Union network.

Using longitudinal data on individuals from the European Community Household Panel (ECHP) for thirteen countries during 1995-2001, I investigate the wage premium for permanent jobs relative to temporary jobs. The countries are Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom. I find that among men the wage premium for a permanent vs. temporary job is lower for older workers and native born workers; for women, the permanent job wage premium is lower for older workers and those with longer job tenure. Moreover, there is some evidence that among immigrant men, the permanent job premium is especially high for those who migrated from outside the European Union. These findings all suggest that the gain to promotion into permanent jobs is indeed higher for those with less experience in the domestic labor market. In contrast to the effects for the young and immigrants, the permanent job pay premium is slightly smaller on average for women than for men, even though on average women have less experience in the labor market than men do. It is possible that women even in permanent jobs are in segregated labor markets. But as noted, among women, the permanent job wage premium is higher for the young and those with less current tenure, suggesting that even in the female labor market, employers pay attention to experience differences.

International audience ; The privatisation of farm advisory services resulted in the creation of new service firms. Surveys were conducted in three regions, in Germany, France and the Netherlands in the cereals sector. They show the emergence of new types of farm advisory providers (consulting firms, suppliers of softwares to support decision making). The logics of performances and the back-office configurations of these firms are very different from those which prevailed in the public extension services or those which exist in the upstream and downstream enterprises that provided advice to farmers (cooperatives, commodity traders). This evolution invites to open a new research agenda on the evolution of the quality of evidence that will be available to support farm advisory services. ; La privatisation du conseil agricole a débouché sur la création de nouvelles firmes de service. Des enquêtes réalisées dans trois régions, en Allemagne, en France et aux Pays-Bas, auprès de prestataires de conseil technique dans la filière céréales, montrent l'émergence de nouveaux types de prestataires (cabinets de consultants, fournisseurs de logiciels d'aide à la décision). Ces nouveaux acteurs ont des logiques de performances et des configurations de back-office très différentes de celles qui prévalaient dans les dispositifs de conseil publics ou de celles qui existent dans les entreprises d'amont et d'aval qui font du conseil (coopératives, négociants). Ce constat invite à ouvrir un agenda de recherches sur l'évolution de la qualité des « preuves » sur lesquelles peut s'appuyer le conseil.

The term structure of interest rates, particularly the term spreaddetermined from the difference between ten-year government bond yields andthree-month Treasury bill yields, has received increased attention as avaluable forecasting tool for the purposes of monetary policy and recessionforecasting. This is on the back of the observed positive relationship betweenterm spread and economic activity. Moreover, the term spread has been observedto invert prior to the occurrence of economic recessions both in developed anddeveloping countries.This study investigated the forecasting ability of the South African(S.A.) term spread in predicting S.A. recessions, taking into account therecent global economic recession. The motivation is due to the forecastingconsistencies illustrated by the term spread in providing statisticallyincorrect signals of recession in 2003, which did not transit into reality. Itimplied a weak relationship between the S.A. term spread and economic activity.Moreover, based on observations from the literature that term spreads andeconomic activities across countries are correlated, the term spreads of China,United States (U.S.) and Germany were investigated and compared to the S.A.term spread to determine which better forecasts S.A. recessions. The studyemployed the Dynamic Probit Model since it is considered to provide a betterpredictive edge over the Traditional Static Probit model.The findings revealed that the S.A. term spread accurately predicted allthe S.A recessions since 1980; Chinese term spread accurately predicted the1996 and 2008 S.A recessions; U.S. term spread predicted some recessions; whileGerman term spread predictions were counter-cyclical.

Die beiden großen christlichen Kirchen betreiben in Deutschland ein flächendeckendes Netz von Stellen zur Ausleihe von audiovisuellen Medien. Die Grundlagen für diese Arbeit wurden zumeist in den Jahren nach dem 2. Weltkrieg gelegt. Ein großer Schritt zur Weiterentwicklung der Verleihstellen erfolgte aufgrund der gesellschaftlichen Veränderungen in den 1960er Jahren. Die entliehenen Medien werden zu einem großen Teil im Religionsunterricht sowie in der kirchlichen Gemeindearbeit eingesetzt. Die Verleihstellen gleichen sich in ihren Kernaufgaben. In Bereichen wie dem Umfang des Medienangebots, der personellen und finanziellen Ausstattung sowie der Trägerschaft gibt es jedoch eine große Heterogenität. Die Gründe für diese Vielfalt sind oft in den Entwicklungsgeschichten der Stellen begründet. Die vorliegende Untersuchung bietet eine geschichtliche Veranschaulichung der kirchlichen AV-Medienarbeit, der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Evangelischen Kirche. Ferner werden in geringerem Umfang die Entwicklungen in der Katholischen Kirche und bei anderen staatlichen und privaten Trägern dargelegt. ; The two major Christian churches in Germany run a nationwide agency network for rental of audiovisual media. The foundation of this network was predominantly set in the years following the second World War II set. A big step of the rental agency development was triggered by the societal changes in the 1960s. Rented media is predominantly used in the context of religious education and church community work. Rental agencies strongly resemble each other in their core business. Nevertheless, there is a great heterogeneity with regard to the extent of the media offer, the human and financial resources as well as the sponsorship. Reasons for this diversity often lie in the histories of the rental agencies. Thus, the present study provides a historical illustration of the audiovisual media work, whereas the focus lies on the Evangelical Church. In addition to that, developments in the Catholic Church and other governmental and private organizations are outlined to a smaller extent.

The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania's independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania's participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state's security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania's occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were used.

The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania's independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania's participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state's security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania's occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were used.

The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania's independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania's participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state's security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania's occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were used.

Epigenetic transcriptional regulation by histone acetylation depends on the balance between histone acetyltransferase (HAT) and deacetylase activities (HDAC). Inhibition of HDAC activity provides neuroprotection, indicating that the outcome of cerebral ischemia depends crucially on the acetylation status of histones. In the present study, we characterized the changes in histone acetylation levels in ischemia models of focal cerebral ischemia and identified cAMP-response element binding protein (CREB)–binding protein (CBP) as a crucial factor in the susceptibility of neurons to ischemic stress. Both neuron-specific RNA interference and neurons derived from CBP heterozygous knockout mice showed increased damage after oxygen-glucose deprivation (OGD) in vitro. Furthermore, we demonstrated that ischemic preconditioning by a short (5 min) subthreshold occlusion of the middle cerebral artery (MCA), followed 24 h afterwards by a 30 min occlusion of the MCA, increased histone acetylation levels in vivo. Ischemic preconditioning enhanced CBP recruitment and histone acetylation at the promoter of the neuroprotective gene gelsolin leading to increased gelsolin expression in neurons. Inhibition of CBP's HAT activity attenuated neuronal ischemic preconditioning. Taken together, our findings suggest that the levels of CBP and histone acetylation determine stroke outcome and are crucially associated with the induction of an ischemia-resistant state in neurons. ; German Research Foundation (Exc 257) ; Germany. Federal Ministry of Education and Research (01 EO 08 01) ; Hermann von Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren (SO-022NG) ; European Union (7th Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) grant agreement no. 201024)

This paper is aimed at analysing state aid to the railway sector in selected countries of the European Union. Although this is a preliminary exercise, literature lacks of specificity. From the analysis, a highly differentiated situation emerges: a group of countries with permanently lower subsidies (the Iberians, the Scandinavians and Austria); a group of countries with a medium level of subsidies (all of the major countries: Germany, France and the UK) and a group of countries with permanently high subsidies (Italy, Denmark, Belgium and the Netherlands). This paper demonstrates that railways have so far benefited from weakened forms state aid control. This can be motivated (i) by the need for modal rebalance recognised by national transport policies, (ii) by the natural monopolistic character of the network whose duplication is not economically feasible and (iii) by the non-competitive traditional structure, from a legal point of view, of even the transport service. This situation, however, is set to change drastically with the opening up of services to competition, which has already been done in the European Union for the freight sector and in some countries, although only on a voluntary basis, even for the passenger sector. By focusing on Italy, this study finds that the elevated state aid to the rail sector consequently results in both a major public finance problem and a potential factor of competition distortion.