German Editorial to the Special Issue on Philosophical Theories of War: Contemporary Challenges and Discussions presenting an overview of the latest state of the debate.
Die Besetzung Serbiens im zweiten Weltkrieg wurde in den letzten sechzig Jahren als eine unwichtige Geschichte des Krieges aufgefasst. Im Gegenteil ist diese Geschichte in der modernen Welt ganz wichtig, weil sie früher falsch verstanden wurde, indem Hitler die Hauptfigur in der Besetzung war. In den Mehrheit der Geschichten des zweiten Weltkrieges ist die Rolle Hitlers gar nicht so gross wie sie in Serbien ist. Seine Einfluss in der Politik der Vergeltungen und der Gewalt gegen die Aufständischen und die Bevölkerung in Serbien wird hier untersucht, denn es hat viele Folgen sowohl für unseren Verständnis des zweiten Weltkrieges als auch für unsere moderne Erwiderung auf den asymmetrischen Krieg.
In recent years, especially since the signing of the peace agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas in 2016, social leaders, human rights and environmental activists and other critical groups have been facing increasing attacks and hostilities by state and non-state actors in many regions of Colombia. In this context, the Colombian government has implemented a series of security measures and programs to address this increasing violence and provide protection to social leaders at risk. Thus, this paper analyzes the conceptual framework of "protection" and "security" underlying these governmental initiatives as well as the implementation procedures, that have proven to have serious difficulties and failures in providing effective protection to threatened civil society actors. As this article shows, the Colombian security paradigm and protection policies for human rights activists and social leaders do not seem to have an effective long-term, comprehensive and participative approach, increasing even in some cases the risk of those who should protect. In order to discuss these points, this paper will address the following questions: What are the main characteristics and dilemmas of the Colombian state protection policy? How do these protection policies impact on the security of social leaders and civil society actors? What are the main challenges to effectively reduce violence against social leaders in Colombia?
Walter Benjamin's early essay Zur Kritik der Gewalt [Zur Kritik] first published in 1921 is a notoriously difficult text, but its relevance to contemporary politics makes it a text to which theorists repeatedly return. This reading takes issue with those critics, notably Axel Honneth, who see Benjamin's project in Zur Kritik as fatally, dangerously flawed. It is suggested here that Benjamin's text, despite the difficulties, still posits the possibility of a 'lookout point' - not prescriptive per se but in keeping with his abiding interest in literature, metaphorical and exegetical. There is no ground on which to stand that does not in effect constitute the lookout point of the place and times of the lookout, but this reading suggests that the Benjaminian lookout point is the lookout which is never fixed because it is not 'looking out' on but towards others, and is not merely addressing and prescribing, but talking with itself and others. That Benjamin embraces religious language to effect this move, perhaps suggesting, a lookout in judgment from a fixed point, from some 'higher' (transcendental) ground, certainly might be troubling for some, but it will be suggested these anxieties are misplaced.
In this article, the author uses political violence, that is, the politically motivated physical damage human beings inflict on each other in any number of ways, as a lens to examine forms and patterns of extreme social conflict that emerged in the First Austrian Republic. In his analyses, the author uses quantitative and qualitative analyses of violence by different political groups to determine the impact of social and economic factors, among others, on this violence. After an introduction this contribution deals with the quantitative changes in political violence between 1918 and 1934 and the qualitative changes in the structure of political conflict. After that the forms and patterns of political violence that emerged in this connection are described and some explicit strategies of violence by individual political groupings are given. Finally, the social causes of political violence are examined and provide new explanation of the breakdown of Aus-trian democracy and the twofold civil war (in February and July) 1934. These events are not only a result of anti-democratic political decision making but also of the consequence of the rising waves of social conflicts and self-enforcing violence. ; Wiederabdruck von: Botz, Gerhard. 1982. Political Violence, its Forms and Strategies in the First Austrian Republic. In Social Protest, Violence and Terror in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Europe, ed. Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Gerhard Hirschfeld, 300-29. London ; Reprint of: Gerhard Botz. 1982. Political Violence, its Forms and Strategies in the First Austrian Republic. In Social Protest, Violence and Terror in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Europe, ed. Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Gerhard Hirschfeld, 300-29. London
U ovom radu pokušavam da rekonstruišem Levinasovo čitanje Hegela i njegovo razumevanje nasilja (neprijatelja i rata), služeći se tekstovima Franza Rosenzweiga o Hegelovoj državi i Derridinom interpretacijom različitih atributa nasilja kod Emmanuel Levinasa. Interesovaće me klasifikacija nekih figura nasilja iz različitih perioda Hegelovog života i njihovi tragovi u Levinasovim tekstovima počevši od teksta "Liberté et commandement" iz 1953. godine. Analiza slavne Hegelove analogije iz njegove Rechtsphilosophie o suverenosti i organizmu, odnosno čitanje nekih paragrafa njegove Naturphilosophie, treba da objasne vezu izmeðu totaliteta i nasilja, kao i Levinasovu "ontologiju kao alergologiju" odnosno Derridinu autoimunologiju.
In this work, I try to reconstruct Levinas' reading of Hegel and his destruction of violence (an enemies and war), using the texts of Franz Rosenzweig about Hegelo's State and Derridino interpreting various attributes of violence at Emmanuel Levinas. I am an intersecting classification of some types of violence from different times of Hegelov's life and their traces in Levinas, starting with the words 'Liberté et commandement' from 1953. An analysis of Hegel's famous analogy from his Rechtsphilosophie on sovereignty and organism, namely the reading of some of the paragraphs of his Naturphilosophie, must explain the relationship between totality and violence, as well as Levinas' 'ontology as allergology' or Derridin autoimunology. ; U ovom radu pokušavam da rekonstruišem Levinasovo čitanje Hegela i njegovo razumevanje nasilja (neprijatelja i rata), služeći se tekstovima Franza Rosenzweiga o Hegelovoj državi i Derridinom interpretacijom različitih atributa nasilja kod Emmanuel Levinasa. Interesovaće me klasifikacija nekih figura nasilja iz različitih perioda Hegelovog života i njihovi tragovi u Levinasovim tekstovima počevši od teksta "Liberté et commandement" iz 1953. godine. Analiza slavne Hegelove analogije iz njegove Rechtsphilosophie o suverenosti i organizmu, odnosno čitanje nekih paragrafa njegove Naturphilosophie, treba da objasne vezu izmeðu totaliteta i nasilja, kao i Levinasovu "ontologiju kao alergologiju" odnosno Derridinu autoimunologiju.
Tim Buchen's prize-crowned work casts bright light on a massive wave of anti-Jewish violence inflicted in summer 1898 on West Galician rural and shtetl Jewry by Polish villagers. The broad European literature, focused on the contemporaneous Dreyfus Affair, has taken little notice of this first widespread storm of anti-Jewish violence to engulf the Polish lands since the Ukrainian peasant revolts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Preceded during the 1897 Reichsrat elections by lesser but myriad anti-Jewish tumults, the rioters' aims were mainly plunder and property-destruction, especially of Jewish-operated taverns and attached dwellings, not maiming and murder. Comprehensive statistics are lacking. By Buchen's count, some four hundred villages and small towns witnessed violence; thousands were arrested, of whom 962 had been pronounced guilty by February 1899 and sentenced, on average, to one month jail terms (pp. 48, 183). During the imposition of martial law to quell the tumults Austrian soldiers killed twelve rioters. Marcin Soboń's archival data from eight of the eleven judicial districts prosecuting rioters identify 3816 defendants, among whom 2328 were convicted and sentenced to jail-terms of up to six months. [1]
Background: The provision of high-quality medical care to asylum seekers represents a key challenge in many countries of the European Union. Especially continuity of care has been difficult to achieve as the migrant trajectory moves asylum seekers across and within European countries. Patient-held personal health records (PHR) have been proposed to facilitate the transfer of medical history between health sectors and providers, but so far there is no data to support its use in the migrant setting. The present paper addresses this knowledge gap by exploring the experiences and practices of healthcare providers in reception centers for asylum seekers using a patient-held PHR as well as the perceived associated benefits and shortcomings. Methods: Early evaluation by means of a multi-sited qualitative study in six asylum seeker reception centers in five cities in the German state of Baden-Wuerttemberg, conducted between November 2016 and January 2017. The PHR evaluated in this study was implemented in five of these reception centers between February and October 2016; the remaining one only receiving patients with the PHR through transfer from the other facilities. 17 interviews were conducted with physicians and nurses working at these reception centers exploring their experiences, routines, and perspectives regarding the patient-held PHR. The interviews were recorded, transcribed and analyzed following the approach of thematic analysis. Results: Healthcare providers recognise the potential of a patient-held PHR to improve access to medical history. They use the PHR to document their medical consultations and to collect other medical reports. However, physician adherence to the patient-held PHR was described as unsatisfactory, in particular among external doctors, thus limiting its immediate benefit. Reasons given for this low adherence included lack of information before implementation, demanding working conditions with little support, low perceived benefits depending on the degree of fragmentation of settings, parallel existence of other documentation platforms and strained patient relationships. Conclusion: A patient-held PHR could improve the availability of health-related information in reception centers if a context-sensitive implementation process achieves high adherence to the PHR among physicians as well as high patient compliance and includes guidelines regarding its adequate integration into local routines.
This thesis interrogates the contemporary gonzofeminism as proposed by Gillian Flynn in her debut novel Sharp Objects (2006). It argues that the problematic frame narrative - i.e., women themselves perpetrate violence - is so complicated by Flynn's dense use of symbolism, narrative technique, and subversion and blending of genre elements, it reveals the inherent failure of gendered tropes and productively explores the relationship between the construction of womanhood and American cultural imaginaries to arrive at incisive sociocultural critique. This paper draws on theoretical texts from feminist literary and cultural scholars and from fields as diverse as sociolinguistics, trauma studies, genre theory, and psychoanalysis to evidence how her writing reflects current cultural anxieties surrounding the failure of what has been termed 'white feminism'; it also assesses the ways in which her writing politicizes rape and her antiheroine destigmatizes survivors of sexual violence. The result of her writing, this thesis contends, is not the postfeminist pathologization of women, but the pathologization of a violent society.
The present report is based on in-depth interviews with individuals formerly involved in politically motivated group violence, in order to acquire accounts of processes of radicalization in their own words. The main themes in the interviews were the following: 1) How did they become involved with militant activist groups? 2) What drove them to take part in specific militant operations? And: 3) What role did ideology, identity and social group processes play in these decisions? The latter theme is the main problem dealt with in this text. Thus, drawing on the three main themes listed above, the main conclusions of this text fall into three different categories: Ideology, Identity, Social Group Processes.
Als Global Studies Studentin wollte ich meine Aufmerksamkeit und die letzte Phase meines Studiums einem wichtigen Thema widmen. Nach langer und sorgfältiger Überlegung und der Wahl zwischen vielen verschiedenen gleichermaßen interessanten und wichtigen Themen habe ich beschlossen, über häusliche Gewalt in Serbien zu schreiben. Das Global Studies Master Program lehrt die Studierenden unter anderem, ein "brennendes" Weltproblem anhand vieler verschiedener Disziplinen zu analysieren. Häusliche Gewalt ist leider in den meisten Ländern der Welt ein brennendes Thema, das dringend Hilfe vieler verschiedener Disziplinen benötigt, darunter Recht, Politik, Kultur, Geschlechterforschung, Psychologie, Soziologie, Medizin usw., um es zu verstehen völlig. Mein Ansatz und Fokus in dieser Arbeit wird auf rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen liegen.Diese Arbeit besteht aus vier Teilen. Der erste Teil der Arbeit befasst sich mit der Theorie der Gewalt sowie der Definition und Formen der häuslichen Gewalt. Der zweite Teil ist dem internationalen Rechtsrahmen gewidmet, d. H. wichtigen Konventionen, und ich werde mich auf die Teile der Konventionen konzentrieren, die für mein Thema wichtig sind, nämlich häusliche Gewalt gegen Frauen. Der dritte Teil ist von entscheidender Bedeutung, da in diesem Kapitel die Situation in Serbien und seine Gesetze analysiert werden. Ich werde die Gesetze in Serbien anhand von Fachliteratur und anhand von Artikeln und Absätzen spezifischer Gesetze analysieren. In diesem Kapitel werde ich auch eine Antwort auf die Forschungsfrage erhalten.Forschungsfrage: Wie regelt das Gesetz das Thema häusliche Gewalt in Serbien?Hypothese: Die Ratifizierung des Istanbuler Übereinkommens hat die Position serbischer Frauen in Bezug auf häusliche Gewalt verbessert.Der vierte und letzte Teil berücksichtigt Maßnahmen gegen häusliche Gewalt. Dieses Kapitel schließt das gesamte Thema der Arbeit perfekt ab. ; As a Global Studies student, I wanted to dedicate my attention and the final stage of my studies to an important world issue. After a long and careful consideration and having to choose between many different equally interesting and important topics, I have decided to write about domestic violence in Serbia. The Global Studies Master Program teaches the students, among other things, to analyze a "burning" world issue by using many different disciplines. Domestic violence is unfortunately a burning issue in most countries in the world and it is an issue that desperately needs help of many different disciplines, including law, politics, culture, gender studies, psychology, sociology, medicine, etc. in order to understand it fully. My approach and focus in this Thesis will be on legal framework. This Thesis consists of four parts. The first part of the Thesis is dedicated to the theory of violence and the definition and types of domestic violence. The second part is devoted to International Legal Framework, i.e. important conventions and I will be focusing on those parts of the Conventions that are important for my topic, which is domestic violence against women. The third part is crucial since the situation in Serbia and its Laws are being analyzed in this Chapter. I am going to analyze the Laws in Serbia by using expert literature and by looking at articles and paragraphs of specific Laws. In this Chapter, I will also get an answer to the Research Question.Research question: How does the Law regulate the issue regarding domestic violence in Serbia?Hypothesis: The ratification of Istanbul Convention has improved the position of Serbian women regarding domestic violence.The fourth and final part takes into consideration Measures against domestic violence. This Chapter perfectly concludes the whole topic of the Thesis. ; Vrhovac Jovana, B.A, LL.B ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2020 ; (VLID)4940738
The exhibition " 'War is sweet to those who have no experience of it .' - Protest against Violence and War" is dedicated to the humanist and pacifist Desiderius Erasmus (c. 1466-1536), whose anti-war writings "Dulce bellum inexpertis" (1515) and "Querela pacis" (1517) were published five hundred years ago.
This paper studies the oil-violence link in the Niger Delta, systematically taking into consideration domestic and international contextual factors. The case study, which focuses on explaining the increase in violence since the second half of the 1990s, confirms the differentiated interplay of resource-specific and non-resource-specific causal factors. With regard to the key contextual conditions responsible for violence, the results underline the basic relevance of cultural cleavages and political-institutional and socioeconomic weakness that existed even before the beginning of the 'oil era'. Oil has indirectly boosted the risk of violent conflicts through a further distortion of the national economy. Moreover, the transition to democratic rule in 1999 decisively increased the opportunities for violent struggle, in a twofold manner: firstly, through the easing of political repression and, secondly, through the spread of armed youth groups, which have been fostered by corrupt politicians. These incidents imply that violence in the Niger Delta is increasingly driven by the autonomous dynamics of an economy of violence: the involvement of security forces, politicians and (international) businessmen in illegal oil theft helps to explain the perpetuation of the violent conflicts at a low level of intensity. ; Nigeria: ein 'Musterbeispiel' des Ressourcenfluchs? Eine kritische Evaluation des Zusammenhangs von Erdöl und Gewalt im Nigerdelta. Dieser Beitrag analysiert den Zusammenhang von Erdöl und Gewalt im Niger Delta unter systematischer Berücksichtigung von innerstaatlichen und internationalen Kontextfaktoren. Durch die Fallstudie, deren Schwerpunkt auf der Erklärung des Anstiegs der Gewalt seit der zweiten Hälfte der 1990er Jahre liegt, wird ein differenziertes Zusammenspiel von ressourcenspezifischen und nicht-ressourcenspezifischen Erklärungsvariablen untermauert. Die Befunde ergeben erstens, dass zentrale Kontextbedingungen, die zur Gewalt geführt haben - kulturelle Cleavages politisch-institutionelle sowie sozioökonomische Defizite - bereits vor Beginn der Erdölförderung in Nigeria virulent waren. Erdöl hat das Risiko gewaltsamer Konflikte zweitens durch eine tiefgreifende Verzerrung der Wirtschaftsstruktur indirekt weiter erhöht. Darüber hinaus hat drittens der Übergang zur Demokratie (1999) die Gewaltmöglichkeiten in zweifacher Hinsicht erhöht: auf der einen Seite durch ein Nachlassen politischer Repression, auf der anderen Seite durch die Ausbreitung bewaffneter Gruppierungen, die zunächst von korrupten Politikern herangezogen worden sind. Letzteres hat zur Folge, dass die Gewalt im Nigerdelta verstärkt den Dynamiken einer Ökonomie der Gewalt gehorcht: Dabei trägt die Beteiligung von Sicherheitskräften, Politikern und (internationalen) Geschäftsleuten an illegalem Ölhandel dazu bei die Perpetuierung gewaltsamer Konflikte auf niedrigem Gewaltniveau zu erklären.
This chapter (1.3) from the book "Zeugnisse der Unterbrechung von Gewalt im Krieg – Grundlegung einer Theologischen Ethik des nicht suspendierten Zweifels" Michael Schober, Hildesheim 2019 (2012) - is entitled "The Meaning of 'The Interruption of Violence'" and is a preamble to the theologian's analysis of the Christmas Truce 1914. His thesis, examining other "interruptions of violence" in the First and Second World War and drawing on primary sources and eye witness accounts, is based on a deep belief in peace ethics and inspired by the American political theorist Michael Walzer. ; Der folgende Text entspricht dem Kapitel 1.3 der Dissertation von Michael Schober: Zeugnisse der Unterbrechung von Gewalt im Krieg – Grundlegung einer Theologischen Ethik des nicht suspendierten Zweifels, Hildesheim: Universitätsverlag 2019 (2012), online zugänglich unter: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:hil2-opus4-9902 Das Kapitel trägt im Original die Überschrift "Konstituierung der 'Unterbrechung von Gewalt'". In dem Kapitel wird der Begriff der "Unterbrechung von Gewalt" am Beispiel der Waffenruhen 1914 an der Westfront, des "Weihnachtsfriedens" fundiert. Der für die Analyse leitende Begriff wird dann im Buch auf weitere Beispiele aus dem Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg angewendet. Dieser mit historischen Beispielen arbeitende friedensethische Ansatz wurde inspiriert durch Michael Walzers Überlegungen in seinem Werk "Just and Unjust wars".