Suchergebnisse

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

Preliminary Material -- Chapter One Demographic Changes During the Period of the Twelfth Five-Year Plan and Predictions for Population Development /Ying Hu , Fang Cai and Yang Du -- Chapter Two Low Fertility and Related Theoretical Issues in China /Zhigang Guo -- Chapter Three How China Tackled the Global Financial Crisis /Fang Cai , Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Four Public Investment and Employment: An Empirical Analysis /Jie Cheng and Dewen Wang -- Chapter Five Growing Pains: What Employment Dilemma Does China Face at Its Lewis Turning Point? /Fang Cai -- Chapter Six The Impact of the Financial Crisis on Employment in Small and Medium Enterprises /Yaowu Wu and Yang Du -- Chapter Seven Changes in Industrial Location and Labor Flows in China /Fang Cai , Meiyan Wang and Yue Qu -- Chapter Eight Population, Industrial Development, and Employment in Chinese Urbanization /Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Nine Has Labor Migration Really Not Narrowed the Rural-Urban Income Gap? /Fang Cai and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Ten Emission Reduction Compatible with Economic and Employment Growth /Fang Cai , Yang Du and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Eleven The New Elements of China's Labor Market in the Post-Financial-Crisis Era /Fang Cai and Meiyan Wang -- Chapter Twelve Reform of the Hukou System and Unification of Rural-Urban Social Welfare /Fang Cai -- Index.

The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

Wong, Ho Yin. ; Thesis submitted in: October 2008. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-275). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 緒論 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgement --- p.iv ; Abbreviations --- p.ix ; List of Tables --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introductory Chapter --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Two Research Questions --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of Studying the DPJ --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Dissertation Framework --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Background of Japanese Politics --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Opposition Failure in Japan --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2 --- External Constraints Faced by Opposition Parties --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Electoral System --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Electoral Campaign Law --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Clientelism and Centralized Government Financial Structure --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- Party Organization of the LDP --- p.23 ; Chapter 2.2.5 --- Voting Behavior --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.6 --- Press Club System --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.2.7 --- Conclusion --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Opposition Fragmentation in Japanese Politics --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Opposition Fragmentation under the 55´ة System --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Opposition Cooperation and the Break Down of the 55´ة System --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The New Party System and Opposition Coalition Failure --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The NFP Internal Fragmentation --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Opposition Failure and the DPJ --- p.48 ; Chapter 2.4.1 --- The Emergence of the DPJ --- p.49 ; Chapter 2.4.2 --- The Expansion of the DPJ --- p.52 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory and Methodology --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Party System --- p.58 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Four Attributes of a Party System --- p.58 ; Chapter 3.1.1.1 --- Number of Parties --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.1.1.2 --- Relative Strength and Size --- ...

2008年三鹿三聚氰胺毒奶粉事件震驚國內外,該事件導致六名嬰兒腎結石死亡,逾三萬嬰幼兒從此生活在各種腎疾病的陰霾之下。此後奶產品安全問題尋出不窮,對國內奶產業造成嚴重的負面影響,令消費者對整個國內奶產業信心下降。事實上,在很多奶產品安全的危機中,遭受質疑的企業組織最後均被政府的檢測結果證實是無辜的。在危機中,組織的形象受到威脅,組織需通過不同的方法進行自我辯護。現存的文獻提出,危機溝通策略和組織對責任承擔的態度是兩個影響公眾對組織信心和媒體報導語調的重要因素。組織類型(國有或外資)也會影響公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調。過往研究也發現,公眾對組織的信心與媒體報導語調之間存在正相關的聯繫。此研究通過對兩個犯行危機情景的案例研究(2009多美滋危機事件和2010聖元危機事件),目的在於評估危機溝通策略的效用,同時也探討在不同的階段中危機溝通策略、組織責任承擔、組織類型、公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調之間的關係。研究成果發現文獻建議之在不同階段的最佳策略和組織責任承擔對公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調均無重要影響。然而,使用越少藉口和越多提供信息策略的組織贏得更多公眾信心,從而提升正面媒體報導。研究也發現,外企在第一和第二階段報導更正面,但最後國企反而取得正面的媒體報導。另外,組織類型與階段對組織選取策略與組織責任承擔均有影響。本研究結果顯示西方危機處理理論在低信任度社會如中國等未必適用。研究一方面透過更複雜的情境角度,進一步加深對現有危機傳播文獻的理解,例如引入不同階段的概念來評估危機管理的成效,另一方面也為在低信任社會中的奶產業企業提供有效的危機管理建議。 ; Sanlu Melamine-contaminated Milk Scandal, the frequent outbreak of dairy product safety crises had a severe impact on the domestic dairy industry, resulting in a general loss of the consumers' confidence in the entire domestic dairy industry. In fact, in many crises the crisis-ridden organizations were eventually proven innocent by governmental departments. During a crisis, an organization's image is threatened, so that various communicative entities are used to defend this image. Based on the existing literature, this study aims at evaluating the effectiveness of crisis communicative strategies (CCSs) as well as investigating the relationships among CCSs, organization responsibility acceptance, organization ownership type (domestically owned or foreign-invested), confidence in organization and media coverage in different stages during the crisis by comparing the Dumex case in 2009 and the Synutra case in 2010. The results found that the posited optimal CCS in a particular stage and organization responsibility acceptance generally did not have significant effects on confidence in organization or media image coverage. However, the findings revealed that the less excuses and the more information providing strategies were employed, the higher the stakeholders' confidence in organization would be, which in turn significantly increased the ...

Fung, Ka Wo. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2008. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 174-181). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-13 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Defining the Research Objects and Scope --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Sociological Perspective --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.4 --- The Organization of Thesis --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Framework and Research Questions --- p.14-42 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Current Theories and Research Studies --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Limitations of the Current Theories --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Alternative Model: Sociological Institutionalism --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Research Questions --- p.39 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Methodological Approach --- p.43-59 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.43 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Sources of Data --- p.44 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Temporal Dimension --- p.48 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Method of Analysis --- p.50 ; Chapter 3.5 --- Reliability --- p.58 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Exploring the Institutional Origin of ECA in the Development of Hong Kong Mass Education --- p.60-91 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.60 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Phase IA- Pre-government Intervention: Before 1967 --- p.62 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Phase IB- Absorption by Government: 1967- 1981 --- p.64 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Phase 1C- Initial Expansion in School Establishment: 1981-1992 --- p.67 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Phase IIA- Consolidation in Education Reform: 1992-2000 --- p.73 ; Chapter 4.6 --- Phase IIB- Accomplishment of Institutionalization: 2000~ --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.7 --- Summary and Research Focus --- p.84 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Explaining the Change and Organization of ECA in Official Curriculum --- p.92-111 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.92 ; Chapter 5.2 --- definition of Curriculum --- p.95 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Aims of Education --- p.99 ; Chapter 5.4 --- Pedagogy --- p.107 ; Chapter 5.5 --- Summary --- p.111 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- ...

Tang, Kin Yat Gary. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-231). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Table of content ; TABLE OF CONTENT --- p.I ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.IV ; ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS --- p.V ; LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES --- p.VII ; ABSTRACT --- p.IX ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Research Background and Objective --- p.1 ; Research Design --- p.4 ; Research Significance --- p.5 ; Plan of Dissertation --- p.7 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- ELECTORAL COORDINATION: BACKGROUND OF FURTHER EXPLORATION --- p.9 ; What is the Pro-democracy Camp? --- p.9 ; Electoral Coordination in a Competitive Authoritarian Regime --- p.13 ; Literature Review: Factors behind Performance of Electoral Coordination --- p.23 ; Summary --- p.32 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- THEORY AND HYPOTHESES --- p.33 ; What is Electoral Coordination? Conceptualization and Operationalization of Dependent Variables --- p.33 ; Identifying Independent Variables --- p.38 ; Further Analytical Dimensions --- p.47 ; Research Method --- p.51 ; Summary --- p.52 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- 1998 & 2000 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTIONS --- p.54 ; Background of Elections --- p.54 ; Candidate Lists --- p.62 ; Electoral Platform --- p.64 ; Practice of Vote Division --- p.68 ; Election Forum at Mass Media --- p.73 ; Summary --- p.81 ; Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- 2004 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTION --- p.84 ; Background of Election --- p.84 ; Background of Strategic Coordination --- p.90 ; Strategic Coordination and Mission of The pro-democracy camp --- p.92 ; Decision-Making Mechanism of Strategic Coordination --- p.94 ; Result of Strategic Coordination --- p.95 ; Summary --- p.122 ; Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- 2008 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTION --- p.125 ; Background of Election --- p.125 ; Candidate Lists --- p.133 ; Electoral Platforms --- p.136 ; Practice of Vote Division --- p.141 ; Electoral Forum in Mass Media --- p.144 ; Dispute about Support of Anson Chan --- p.152 ; Summary --- p.153 ; Chapter ...

by Wong Wing Kwan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-172). ; Text in English; abstracts in English and Chinese. ; by Wong Wing Kwan. ; ABSTRACT --- p.ii ; ABSTRACT (in Chinese) --- p.iv ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.v ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.xi ; LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS --- p.xii ; LIST OF APPENDIXES --- p.xiii ; Chapter 1/ --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Impetus --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Central Research Problem --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significance --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of This Thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter 2/ --- ON ENVIRONMENT AND ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION -- THE THEORETICAL AND GLOBAL CONTEXT --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1 --- The Environmental Crisis --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.11 --- The dominating perspective --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.12 --- Problems overlooked --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.13 --- Environmental problems as problems of social injustice --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.14 --- Locating the power relations --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.141 --- The dominating definition of life quality --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.142 --- The global economic order--- a platform of power asymmetry --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.143 --- "Global development agenda--- ""catching-up"" as the basis for sustainability" --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Environmental Education: A Critique of the Established Views --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.21 --- Seeking definitions --- p.23 ; Chapter 2.22 --- "From definition to practice- the split of mind, body and heart" --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.23 --- The domination of mainstream science and technologyin environmental education --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Environmental Education in the Form of Empowerment --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Chapter Summary --- p.37 ; Chapter 3/ --- ON ENVIRONMENT AND ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION -- THE LOCAL CONTEXT --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Environmental Agenda in Hong Kong --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.11 --- Role of the government --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.12 --- Role of private corporations --- p.42 ; Chapter 3.13 --- Role of green groups --- p.44 ...

Leung, Yan Cheong. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-159). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter ■ --- Research Objectives --- p.3 ; Chapter ■ --- Literature Review --- p.5 ; Chapter ■ --- Use of Primary Sources --- p.9 ; Chapter ■ --- Structure --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Governing Objectives behind the Railway Developments --- p.13 ; Chapter ■ --- Initial Motives --- p.13 ; Chapter ■ --- Political Objectives and Financial Concerns as the Determinative Factors --- p.22 ; Chapter ■ --- Railway Developments since the 1970s --- p.33 ; Chapter ■ --- Changing Meanings of Success in Railway Development --- p.35 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 2 --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Hong Kong-London Relations and the MTR Development (I): Bilateral Negotiation and the Decisions on the MTR --- p.37 ; Chapter ■ --- Nature of London-Hong Kong Relations after the WWII --- p.37 ; Chapter ■ --- The Contract Approaches --- p.40 ; Chapter ■ --- The Process of Bilateral Negotiation --- p.42 ; Chapter ■ --- Hong Kong Government´ةs Strategy --- p.43 ; Chapter ■ --- London´ةs Strategy --- p.46 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 3 --- p.53 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Hong Kong-London Relations and the MTR Development (II): Negotiation Breakdown and Its Impacts --- p.55 ; Chapter ■ --- The Negotiation Breakdown --- p.55 ; Chapter ■ --- The Adoption of Multi-contract Approach: a Contingency Plan --- p.59 ; Chapter ■ --- Collaborate with London --- p.64 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 4 --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Colonial Governance and Major Decisions on the MTR in the 1970s --- p.70 ; Chapter ■ --- The Establishment of MTRC --- p.70 ; Chapter ■ --- Optimizing the Project --- p.75 ; Chapter ■ --- Civil Protests and Crises Management --- p.83 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 5 --- p.91 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- A Review on the Modernization of Kowloon-Canton Railway --- p.93 ; Chapter ■ --- KCR´ةs ...

中國作為國際證監會組織的成員國,有責任落實國際証監會組織發佈的《金融市場基礎設施原則》。儘管國際貨幣基金組織發表的評分報告肯定中國落實了國際証監會組織提倡的金融規管原則,但事實上該等原則於納入法規後未獲執行。以上的分歧現象引起了對「中國金融規管制度會趨向國際原則」說法的質疑。 ; 本研究的討論重點在於中國金融法規會否跟國際原則趨向相同。本研究以系統化綜述分析國際貨幣基金組織對各國落實《金融市場基礎設施原則》情況的評分報告,並以內容分析法分析傳媒在中國二零一五年「股災」發生前後發表關於金融市場的報導。目的在於顯示中國政府以及金融監管機構在「股災」發生前後,在監管事宜上取態有明顯分別。 ; 本研究根據目的決定論提出中國金融監管趨向於與國際原則分歧。目的決定論、趨同理論以及有限度趨同理論的分別含意及對分歧現象的解釋在本研究中獲審視。根據目的決定論,由於中國金融市場有獨特社會目標,加上中國金融市場需要兼顧中國獨特社會背景,因此中國金融監管制度應該趨向獨特。換而言之,中國金融監管制度不應引入國際原則。目的決定論的論據在於中國政府領導層與金融業監管員在共產黨內有從屬關係。該從屬關係導致監管機構的監管行為被政府俘虜。 ; 根據規制俘虜理論,金融監管機構本來的職能被政府的提出議程取締。根據經濟目標合法性,中國政府的合法性源於其維持經濟發展的能力。因此,中國政府在金融市場的利益在於鞏固其執政合法性,而中國政府要達到以上目的,則需要令金融監管機構配合其經濟政策,修改監管方法及監管重點。最終,監管機構成為推動救市,並且宣揚政府權威形象的主力。 ; 綜觀以上提到中國的獨特金融監管制度,本研究旨在指出制度安排如何影響監管機構對金融業的監管。該等影響關連到中國金融監管制度是否趨向與國際間通用的監管原則同化。 ; Evaluations by International Monetary Fund (IMF) have shown increased implementation of International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) regulatory principles in China. However, findings show that international regulatory principles have not been practiced in China. Enforcement efforts of the principles remained low in China, and this casts doubts on the claim that Chinese financial regulation would develop towards the convergence of international regulatory principles due to the globalization of regulations. ; This research discusses on whether Chinese financial regulation has adopted international regulatory practices. Systematic review of IMF reports on implementation of IOSCO principles in different countries and content analysis of media reports issued around the happening of the 2015 stock market selloff crisis in China are employed to discover and examine findings. The selloff crisis is selected as a case for studying Chinese financial regulation because government interference in financial market made China's development away from international regulatory principles apparent, and arguments of this research are built on changes in financial regulatory patterns in China. ; This research supports the view of teleological determinism applied by Wilbert ...

"In 2016, economic globalization suffered a severe crisis after over half a century of smooth development, and deglobalization was running mountains high. Not only did it trigger domestic political discord in major countries like the United States, Britain, France and Germany, but also led to international economic and political disputes among Western countries, intensifying strategic competition between major powers. With the arrival of 2017, through the perilous waves of deglobalization and the consequent international political upheavals, we find that the post Cold War era that we were familiarized with, is coming to a rapid end, ushering in a new international political era, full of uncertainties. This annual book presents Chinese scholars' views, opinions and predictions on global political and security issues, as well as China's strategic choice. It covers a wide range of important issues concerning international security, ranging from the assessment of Sino-US relations, Russian-American relations, the counter terrorism situation in the Middle East, the political situation in Taiwan and cross-Strait relations, Brexit and the refugee problem, and the strategic situation in the South China Sea, to the judgment of the strategic posture in countries and regions like Japan, the Korean Peninsula, Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa. Also covered are the analysis of the strategic posture in cyber space, outer space (as well as their governance), and discussion on China's international strategic choice in the wave of deglobalization."--

Leung, Ka Kuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 167-180). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1 ; The Global Rise of Internet Independent Media --- p.1 ; Hong Kong - The Rise of Internet Activism --- p.4 ; Direction of the Study --- p.6 ; Structure of the Thesis --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter 2 - --- Literature Review --- p.11 ; Radical Democracy Citizenship --- p.11 ; Citizens' Media as Political Space --- p.17 ; Transition from Radio to Internet Radio --- p.23 ; Chapter Chapter 3 - --- "Hong Kong Civil Society, Citizenship and Radio Industry" --- p.31 ; Hong Kong Civil Society and Citizenship --- p.31 ; The Political Inclination of Hong Kong Radio Broadcasting --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 - --- Research Design and Methods --- p.40 ; One-Case Design --- p.40 ; Research Questions --- p.41 ; Research Methods --- p.42 ; Chapter Chapter 5 - --- The Denial of Radio Broadcast Rights in Hong Kong --- p.48 ; Government Control of Broadcasting Policies --- p.49 ; Powerlessness of the Political Society --- p.51 ; Failed Promise of the Mainstream Media --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter 6 - --- The Rise of PRHK as Political Struggle --- p.57 ; The Emergence of Internet Politics in 2003 --- p.58 ; Anti-Tung Solidarity: Continuation of People Power --- p.62 ; Internet Radio as Hot Property from 2003 to 2004 --- p.65 ; Action-Reaction: Internet Radio as Transitional Project --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 7 - --- PRHK as Radical Democratic Media Association --- p.72 ; PRHK as Participatory Citizens' Media --- p.72 ; PRHK as Self-managed Media Association --- p.84 ; Chapter Chapter 8 - --- PRHK as Radical Democratic Media Site --- p.98 ; Positioning of PRHK Media Operation --- p.98 ; Independent Internet Radio Programs --- p.113 ; Citizens Matter More Than the Platform --- p.123 ; Chapter Chapter 9 - --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.129 ; Summary of Findings --- p.129 ; Broader Implications --- p.134 ; Limitations of the ...