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As an aid in interpreting the outcome of the 1942 congressional election and subsequent general elections, this paper presents two basic studies that have been found very helpful in connection with the 1940 election. One of these deals with the changes in political sentiment for the country as a whole, as shown by the long-time record of relative strength of the Democratic party in the two-party vote in congressional and presidential elections. From this long-time record it is possible to derive the characteristics of our political tides and an interpretation of the most recent changes as background for forthcoming elections. For example, the Democratic party attained its greatest strength on record in 1936, but in 1938 the tide turned against it, largely because of the 1937–38 business recession. Recovery by 1940 checked the decline.The second study (in two sections) deals with the basic similarities between the pattern of political behavior for a given series of elections for the country as a whole and the political behavior of most of the states. From the "normal" relationships that can be developed between the national and state experience, it is possible to determine the influence of certain major issues, such as the isolationist and third-term issues in 1940. In that election, the Eastern and Far Western states voted more Democratic and the Midwestern and Great Plains states voted less Democratic than usual. These discrepancies are immediately traceable more to isolationist and anti-third-term sentiment than to any of the other issues.

101 p. : ill., maps, ports. ; 28 cm. ; University of Michigan. Center for Japanese Studies. ; Title from cover. ; Includes bibliographical references.

Any civilization may be reduced to two factors, a system of institutions and a system of ideas. By institutions we merely mean collective behavior patterns, the ways in which a community carries on the innumerable activities of social life. The church, the market, the family, the learned society, the trade union, the university, are examples of institutions. We often attribute a personality to such behavior patterns, clothe them with the attributes of a personal will, mind, and purpose; but such attribution is sheer fiction, the product of a purely imaginative process. Institutions are merely behavior patterns—they are nothing else. Government is an institution or a set of institutions. Society achieves certain results through collective political action. The means that it uses are the behavior patterns which we call courts, legislative bodies, commissions, electorates, administration. We idealize these institutions collectively and personify them in the State. But this idealization is pure fancy. The State as a juristic or ideal person is the veriest fiction. It is real only as a collective name for governmental institutions.

The United Nations cannot be expected to abolish the balancing process, which is the natural expression of the struggle for advantage and influence in international politics. It does, however, endeavor to modify the process. What are the methods which it employs? What actual effect have they had in promoting security? Above all, what relevance do they have for the conduct of American foreign policy?

"Population courses are usually taught by sociologists, but as yet, unfortunately, much of the literature in the field has had a strong biological and/or economic orientation rather than a sociological one, or has escaped into a sheltered world of facts, failing to be concerned with their social meaning, or their social origin. In this book an attempt is made to give the student and general reader a meaningful picture of population unencumbered by numerous historical speculations concerning population and population laws so-called, few of which contribute anything to an understanding of concrete population data or their interpretation. This book aims to present a treatment of population which will meet at least four standards: (1) proper emphasis on social and cultural factors as forces in the biological behavior of man; (2) primary stress upon social implications of population data and their human significance rather than on a statistical presentation of biosocial facts; (3) classification of population into categories that have sociological meaning, and analysis of data within these categories; (4) proper presentation of population movements as a function of changing culture patterns. Part One is devoted to a consideration of the numbers of people in the world and in the United States, giving some attention to the probable future growth of mankind, and to population theory. Part Two is concerned with an exhaustive analysis of vital processes as affected by human motives, values, and goals. At all points social and cultural forces are shown to be dynamic factors in determining biosocial behavior, suck as is manifest in birth- and death-rate phenomena, and in the selection of biological types. In Part Three the population is broken down into its biological structural elements--sex, age, and ethnic composition. The changing significance of these elements, as they affect fertility and social roles in a dynamic society, is considered. In Part Four the distribution of the population of the United States by functional roles is analyzed, as well as distribution in rural and urban habitat and in geographic-cultural regions. Migration of population, internal and international, its extent, the selective processes involved, and its significance to the social order, is the subject of Part Five. A final chapter is devoted to consideration of a population policy for the United States. Throughout, the best available data, derived from numerous specialized researches, are employed within the interpretive framework of current sociological thought in an attempt to give a brief but clear and systematic picture of the nation's population in its world setting"--Preface. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2007 APA, all rights reserved)

On some later occasion, I hope to discuss in detail the various problems of German-Polish relations which Professor Hans Rothfels raised in his article "Frontiers and Mass Migrations in Eastern Central Europe" (The Review of Politics, January 1946).Immediately, however, I should like to clear up the misunderstandings which might arise in connection with two quotations which Professor Rothfels took out of the context of my own publications.1. Recalling that in 1226 the duke of Mazovia called upon the help of the Teutonic Order, and stressing that he did it "apparently in despair," Professor Rothfels adds the following footnote (p. 43, n . 43) :"En désespoir de cause," as Professor O. Halecki puts it correctly (La Pologne de 963 à 1914, Paris, 1933, p. 47). Other Polish historians have tried to minimize this fact.

It is possible to contend that in political science today, and particularly with regard to international politics, there is a significant trend towards interpreting events in termsof "power." This trend has stimulated controversy between those who assert that the study of politics is that of the struggle for power and those who hold that such a study must incorporate other and contradictory values. This paper is not an attempt, directly, to resolve these differences. Rather, it is based squarely on the supposition that power does constitute the generalized end of politics, an end which is basic as a means to other innumerable and variegated ultimate ends. Granted this supposition, however, it is contended that there does not yet exist a structure of analysis dealing with the processes involved in the attainment of this generalized end—a conceptual structure comparable to that of economics, which deals with the attainment of the generalized end of wealth. The purpose of this paper, then, is to propose a skeleton upon which a formal body of political theory might be constructed. For until such a body of ideas about the processes of coercion exists, little progress is likely to be made in resolving the wider controversy mentioned above.

The subject of adult education has been chosen for this paper in order to provide a point of orientation for the discussion of certain related social problems of the western farming community. The conclusions are based upon field studies of several contrasting rural communities in Manitoba carried out under the direction of the Manitoba Royal Commission on Adult Education. Some characteristics of governmental institutions, farm movements, and farming conditions are peculiar to that province but basic similarities in the social structure of farming communities throughout the Prairie region mean that most of the findings have a wider application. It is necessary for reasons of space to treat ethnic communities only briefly, but this brevity may be partially justified on the grounds that the British-origin farming community represents the ideal type to which the ethnic communities are assimilating at various rates.The difficulty of defining adult education may be avoided by noting briefly its place in the educational process. In complex societies the term "education" has commonly been used to apply to the explicit function of the formal institutions through which social groups prepare young candidates for adult participation. It is apparent that, in terms of this social function, education is part of the more inclusive processes of socialization and acculturation necessary to all social groups and carried out in many societies without benefit of formal institutions. To prepare the young for integration in social groups as adults it is necessary that they acquire and incorporate in their personalities at least a minimum of the normative behaviour patterns necessary to various social roles as well as learn such elements of the cultural tradition (systems of knowledge, techniques, value-patterns, language, art, and the other expressional forms) as the adults controlling the training deem desirable. Although an unprecedented amount of training is acquired within formal institutions in our society, these institutions provide only part of the training necessary for social participation as an adult.