Suchergebnisse

U ovome broju časopisa Etnološka tribina objavljujemo temat koji problematizira turizam – njegove aktere, politike i procese – kako one koji oblikuju i usmjeravaju turizam tako i one koje turizam stvara i pokreće. Radovi u tematu bave se različitim vizijama i strategijama turističkog razvoja (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero i Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); primjenom načela stvaranja doživljaja u suvremenim muzejskim postavima (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić i Matea Senkić); vezom tradicijske prehrane, okusa i nostalgije u istarskim agroturizmima (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); oblikovanjem memorijalnih mjesta bitki na Soči u Prvom svjetskom ratu i posjetima tim lokalitetima u međuratnom razdoblju (Petra Kavrečič); okolišnim, društvenim i političko-ekonomskim procesima koji utječu na baštinu i turizam na Zlarinu i u Trenti (Peter Simonič); životom Danice Brössler u Dubrovniku kao primjerom turističkih aktivnosti pojedinaca (Tihana Petrović Leš). ; The thematic section of this year's issue of Etnološka tribina problematises tourism and its actors, politics and processes – both those which shape and direct tourism, and those which are created and sparked by tourism. The articles deal with different visions and strategies of tourist development (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero and Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); the application of the principles of experience creation in contemporary museum displays (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić and Matea Senkić); the relationships between traditional food, tastes and nostalgia in Istrian agrotourism (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); the construction of the memorial sites of the Soča front in WWI and visits to those sites in the interwar period (Petra Kavrečič); environmental, social and political-economic processes which influence heritage and tourism on Zlarin Island and in the Trenta Valley (Peter Simonič); and the life of Danica Brössler in Dubrovnik as an example of an individual's tourist activities (Tihana Petrović Leš).

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints. ; The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints.

Theodor Lowi 1969 marked the end of a "Big Government" era in American politics & theory. In 2001, he announced the end of fundamentalist laissez-faire approaches in recent politics & theory, especially in the field of globalization & the world corporate system. He argues that political science with political economy provides a better understanding of these processes & phenomena than economics without political economy. Here, Strpic accepts "Lowi's challenge" & formulates with him an "agenda for a new global politics" & an "agenda for a new global political economy." He refers to a few recent articles & a book of his own, where he already has done it, & also reminds us of his immediate & accurate politico-economic forecasting of the actual change in American politics after the terrorist attack on the US, & the absence of a great economic crisis, which leading American economists realized only a few weeks later. 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

The US is the front-runner of the contemporary process of globalization. The global American superiority in the political, military, economic, & cultural spheres goes hand in hand with globalization trends, focusing on the activity of the global leader. The design of the new strategic approach, which was to include its vision of new relations as well as of its global leading role, has been unhurried & circumspect. In the course of two Clinton mandates, the finishing touches of that new outlook gained concrete contours in practical actions, so it seems that the search for the place of the leader is soon going to be called off. American politics is entering the next millennium as a well-defined & organized enterprise with well-thought-out global objectives. Adapted from the source document.

The European entrepreneurial undertaking, in the form of an equipped & armed merchant ship ready to circumnavigate & conquer the globe, created the modern world with one side only: the globalized West. Contemporary global liberal interventionism & governmental entrepreneurship are segmented today into a dangerously simplified multitask global pyramid of governance through unidirectional cascades. For real globalization, this process has to be bidirectional at least: from the center to the periphery, but also from the periphery to the center. Otherwise, at the beginning of a new "centennial trend" & a "great cycle," there is the risk that the collapse of the liberal civilization of the 19th century could be repeated -- once again because of the weakness of the world-system peripheries. The question of how to strengthen the "anonymous" global economic, cultural, & political processes of the bidirectional kind is becoming the central global & strategic issue for today's politics & political science. It has turned out that this kind of state & its processes in the real global environment could be successfully analyzed & effectively made use of only with the complete unreduced methodical front of all the fields of political science together -- & more. As such, they could be practically surmounted only with a very complex political & economic action through a whole set of expertly managed public policies. From the historically based Croatian point of view, a possibility of integration into the world center was always in founding a world market "niche," & never in making even a mini-empire or in controlling a globalized or a mega-national net. Without a methodically global political science approach, also leaning on Central European & Mediterranean cultural & politological traditions, such Croatian interests will not be accomplished. 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author analyzes the International Relations (IR) liberal theory and its "interdependence" paradigm. The first part presents the liberal "interdependence" paradigm by defining the state and power as the key elements of every political science analysis, including the IR theory. The second part overviews the academic critique of the IR liberalism, as a methodologically outdated and historically disputed theory. Finally, the third part focuses on the contemporary "interdependence" paradigm as crucial for understanding the current international processes in the global society. The goal of this article is to present the reevaluation of the contemporary IR liberal theory in the "real world politics", and indicate the possible directions of its ongoing theoretic development. Adapted from the source document.

Stupanje na snagu Ugovora iz Lisabona 2009. godine označilo je veliki iskorak u procesu dublje integracije u okviru Europske unije. Potpuno ukidanje kontrole na granicama između država članica, koje su ovu domenu dugo ljubomorno čuvale za sebe, predstavljalo je najveće iskušenje u kompliciranom procesu prenošenja nadležnosti u području politike migracije i azila na nadnacionalnu razinu. Činjenica da je sve veći broj državljana tzv. trećih država, u potrazi za boljim životom ili bježeći od rata, pristizao na teritorij Unije, zavrijedila je pozornost donositelja odluka da počnu pripremati teren za uspostavljanje jedinstvenog sustava reguliranja pitanja migracije i azila. U ovom radu bit će prikazan razvoj politike azila kao jedne od važnih sektorskih politika Europske unije. Cilj je prikazati kako je Europska unija kao sui generis politički sustav, uspijevala znatan dio ovlasti u ovom području prebaciti u domenu rada svojih institucija i s kojom je uspješnošću to postizala. Rad je podijeljen na četiri cjeline. U prvom dijelu analizira se politika azila kao sektorska politika u institucionalnom i zakonodavnom sustavu EU, dok se u drugom dijelu opisuje povijesni razvoj ove politike. Treći dio predstavlja kratki osvrt na europsku migracijsku krizu, dok četvrti dio sadrži zaključna razmatranja autora. ; Coming into force in 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon was a great step in the process of deeper integration within the European Union itself. The complete abolition of control at the borders between the member states, which had up to then been keeping a jealous watch over this domain, represented the biggest temptation during the complicated process of the transfer of authority in the field of migration politics and asylum to supranational level. The fact is that the constantly increasing number of the so-called "third country nationals," arriving to the EU territory in search of a better life or running away from war, proved to be worth of the attention of decision-makers, and gave them impetus to start preparing the ground for establishing a unique regulation system for migration and asylum matters. In this paper, the development of the asylum policy will be described as one of the important sectoral policies of the EU. The aim is to show how the EU as a sui generis political system was able to transfer significant amount of authority in this field into the domain of its institutions' work and how successful it was. The paper is divided into four major units. The first unit is related to asylum policy as a sectoral policy inside the institutional and legislative system of the EU. In the second unit we describe specific historical development of this policy. The third unit is reserved for a brief review of the European migration crisis, and the fourth part contains concluding considerations of the authors.

Since its declaration of independence Kosovo has clearly postured itself towards Euro-Atlantic integration with NATO, keeping its door open towards Western Balkan states. This integration process faces major challenges stemming from different dimensions: NATO's internal unity and its stance towards Kosovo's political status having direct impact in consensual decision making processes; current geopolitical tensions from a global perspective, particularly between the West and Russia; and Kosovo's ability to fulfil NATO's standards and criteria. These challenges might prove very difficult to overcome at least in the current global political and security environment. The objective of this paper is to discuss from legal and geopolitical perspectives the relations between Kosovo and NATO and the challenges, dynamics and perspective of NATO opening a formal integration process for Kosovo. ; Since its declaration of independence Kosovo has clearly postured itself towards Euro-Atlantic integration with NATO, keeping its door open towards Western Balkan states. This integration process faces major challenges stemming from different dimensions: NATO's internal unity and its stance towards Kosovo's political status having direct impact in consensual decision making processes; current geopolitical tensions from a global perspective, particularly between the West and Russia; and Kosovo's ability to fulfil NATO's standards and criteria. These challenges might prove very difficult to overcome at least in the current global political and security environment. The objective of this paper is to discuss from legal and geopolitical perspectives the relations between Kosovo and NATO and the challenges, dynamics and perspective of NATO opening a formal integration process for Kosovo.

The actual recession/depression is a radicalized continuation of a cyclical forty years long transformational slowdown of growth through basically stagnant fluctuations. With this slowdown is connected a serial of controversial, crisis-generating & finally unsuccessful general politics- & policy-change unprecedented in the contemporary world. An analysis of the societal history through sequences of developmental counterpoints & through the logic of great societal, political-economic & political cycles demonstrates that causes of cyclical economic & societal movements in general, & of actual stagnation & crisis especially, are mostly noneconomical. They are mainly political. In short, their political foundation is in a radical actual & previous change in the equilibrium of a dynamic tendency of the modern political space. This equilibrium is here called "modern normal." The modern normal (MN) is for us a tendentional space/structure of equilibria in the middle of (1) the political, (2) the personal/individual, (3) the whole world space, & (4) the space of the state/society. The actual kind of that disequilibrium or denormalization of modern normal indicates a process which is usually called totalitarian. In our actual case, the focal point is moved toward financial corporations as pseudo-statal regulators of economy, politics & society. Here, this is the Matrix-capitalism as a feedback of an urban legend & an analytical pattern. Generally, in the long run it is also a process of denormalized or bad & unsuccessful public- & business-policy, especially as development-, growth- & transformation-policy. This Matrix-capitalism, which is dominated by global financial corporations, is developing itself in a cyclically denormalised tendentional space/structure between: (1) the unpolitically "economical," (2) the unindividually "personal," (3) the unwholly "global," & (4) the unstately, unsocially, & anti-economically "denational." The Matrix-capitalism is functional only in a virtual world of ideologized economics & casino-business operations with derivatives etc. Cyclically interfaced with economic, social, cultural, political, personal, & national/world's reality, Matrix-capitalism will every time be more unsustainable even for its mega-corporative core. Adapted from the source document.

Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu su prirodno i mehaničko kretanje stanovništva kao demografsko-migracijske odrednice osnovnoga školstva u Vukovaru. Svrha je istraživanja primjenom deskriptivne i komparativne analize prikazati suvremene trendove, trenutno stanje i perspektive u bioreprodukciji i migracijama, te ih dovesti u vezu s brojčanim stanjem djece u vukovarskim osnovnim školama. Analiza provedena na temelju službenih podataka popisne, vitalne i migracijske statistike, pokazala je da su trendovi u bioreprodukciji i migracijama promatrane gravitacijske zone vukovarskih osnovnih škola (Grad Vukovar i Općina Bogdanovci) u proteklom dvadesetogodišnjem razdoblju (1997.-2018.), vrlo nepovoljni, te da procesi ukupne depopulacije, prirodnoga smanjenja i mehaničkoga gubitka, zbog negativnoga salda migracije, čine sve lošijim demografski okvir učeničkoga potencijala vukovarskih osnovnih škola, uz još nepovoljnije izglede u budućnosti. Potrebna stabilizacija i poboljšanje demografskih prilika mogući su samo uz dugoročnu i cjelovitu provedbu poticajnih pronatalitetnih, imigracijskih i redistributivnih mjera populacijske, obiteljske i gospodarske politike, riječju, sveobuhvatne demografske revitalizacije Hrvatske i svakoga njezinoga dijela. ; This study on the natural and mechanical population movements and demographic-migration determinants of elementary education in Vukovar identifies contemporary trends, current situation and perspectives in bioreproduction and migration, using descriptive and comparative analysis, in relation to the numerical situation of the children in the Vukovar elementary schools. This analysis, based on official census data, together with vital and migration statistics, has demonstrated that the trends in the bioreproduction and migration in the gravitational zone of the Vukovar primary schools, City of Vukovar and Municipality of Bogdanovci, during the past twenty years, 1997‒2018, are highly unfavorable, and that the processes of overall depopulation, natural decline and mechanical loss, owing to the negative migration balance, have created an increasingly poor demographic framework for the student potential of Vukovar primary schools, with an even more unfavorable outlook in the future. The needed stabilization and improvement of the demographic situation are only possible with the long-term and comprehensive implementation of pro-natal, immigration and redistribution incentives in population, family and economic policies, which would entail the comprehensive demographic revitalization of Croatia and each of its parts.

Migracije su fenomen koji se proteže kroz cijelu ljudsku povijest; one predstavljaju potrebu i nužnost. Brojni su push and pull uzročni faktori. Suvremene masovne migracije pretežno su obilježene premještanjem ljudi koji, u kombinaciji bijega od ratnih sukoba, disfunkcionalnih sustava upravljanja, klimatskih promjena i neimaštine, nastoje stići do sigurnijih i ekonomski razvijenih zemalja. Premda se većina trenutačne svjetske populacije migranata nalazi u državama Azije i Afrike, najveća pozornost posvećena je situacijama u kojima manje skupine pokušavaju dospjeti do država Europske unije, Australije ili primjerice SAD-a. Premda su ulazne migracije nužnost spomenutih zemalja, one nisu spremne za velike priljeve migranata, već navedeno žele projektirano odraditi kroz duže razdoblje. U tu svrhu razvijaju brojne politike, mjere i mehanizme, koji su predmet analize ovoga rada. Rad se posebno bavi kontekstom stvaranja i usporedbom migracijskih politika i postupaka Europske unije i Australije, njihovim sličnostima i razlikama. ; Migration is a phenomenon present throughout human history, as a need and a necessity. There are numerous push and pull factors which cause it. Modern mass migration is mostly marked as "relocating people who in combination with escape from war, dysfunctional management systems, climate change and poverty try to reach safer and economically developed countries". Although most of the current world population of migrants is located in countries of Asia and Africa, the greatest attention was paid to cases where small groups are trying to reach the European Union countries, Australia or the USA. Though in-migration is a necessity in these countries, they are not ready for large inflows of migrants and they want this process to unwind during a longer period of time. For this purpose, they develop a number of policies, measures and mechanisms, which are also the subject of analysis in this paper. This research is especially focused on the context of creation and comparison of the migration policy and procedures of the European Union and Australia, their similarities and differences.

Although it cannot be denied that nation-states & their sovereignties still exist as a significant form of identity of the civilian society within the world order, under the influence of new globalization processes -- political, ecological, cultural -- in the last decades of the 20th century, & the urgency of the need to solve new global problems (ecological, genetic, communication, market, multicultural), the issue of new identities has emerged. The world of "complex interdependences" has dramatic implications for sovereignty, autonomy, & responsibility of states & their ability to independently solve the key political problems they are faced with. The new issues brought about by the globalization processes can no longer be based solely on the principles of the white-Western-Christian-male-industrial civilization that has proved lethal in many social, cultural, & political aspects of life, particularly regarding the environment. That is why the initiatives for the recognition of new multicultural identities can be realized only within the global order in which Westerners no longer have a privileged position. Radicalizing these issues, environmentalists conclude that the global ecological policy can no longer be based on the old political boundaries of nation-states, that new political boundaries are needed, based on ecological principles. These boundaries should coincide with the boundaries of ecological systems if development is to be sustained. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to globally expand democracy in order to create new institutions that are going to institutionalize some new forms of political culture, based on the principles of the "green politics," which presupposes respect for all forms of life & avoids a hierarchy of life forms with humankind on the top. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The problems of democratic legitimation & the ineffectiveness of the democratic system characterize the postsocialist societies despite their normative-institutional democratic constitution. The socioeconomic conditions affect democratization, but it seems that the sociocultural factors (especially the patterns of dominant political cultures) are the key determinants for the survival & development of the democratic political system. Transitional societies are marked by developmental discontinuity. Normative-institutional & culturological changes possess different dynamics & do not occur concurrently. This discrepancy brings into question the legitimacy & success of democratic consolidation. Such an interactive relationship between the political culture & the political system (structure) makes up the framework for the study of major political-cultural preconditions for democratization. The paper deals with the sociocultural features of transition, the nature of cultural changes (value changes & institutional learning), political trust, legitimacy, the features of civic political culture, the attitude towards power & authority, political participation, the role of political elites, the sociocultural aspect of economic development, & the interest in politics. It is possible to overcome the distinctive discrepancy between culture & structure primarily by means of the transformation of sociocultural preconditions i.e. as democratic resocialization (through the processes of value change & institutional learning). It turns out that democratic consolidation is essentially defined by this sociocultural transformation. Sociocultural conditions i.e. political-cultural preconditions, are the key predictors of the success of the democratizational process. Apart from the implemented values of democracy & the citizens' acceptance of these values, democracy also requires active citizenry, hence the expansion of citizens' participation is seen as the main goal of that transformation. References. Adapted from the source document.

As Croatia prepares for membership in the EU (most likely in 2013), its foreign policy is in a need of re-conceptualisation. In the first 20 years of its independence (declared in 1991), Croatian foreign policy has been through three different phases. Each of them was focused on one single objective. The three objectives that have marked three distinguished phases of Croatian foreign policy were: 1) international recognition of its statehood; 2) territorial re-integration and 3) membership in NATO and the EU. When (and if) it joins the EU, the country will have to change its single-objective based foreign policy for a multiple-objectives foreign policy approach. It will have to take into consideration a whole set of new issues, some of which will be global in character. In addition, it will need to harmonise its own priorities with those of other EU member-states. The article focuses on options that are available to foreign-policy decision-makers when they wish to re-orientate the foreign policy of a country. In particular, the author looks at the options available to small states and small powers. The outcome of the process will be influenced by the size and ambitions of the country, as well as by internal political and ideological dynamics in Croatian politics, which would need to become better harmonised with political trends in the EU. The author approaches foreign policy decision-making as a dynamic process in which ideas and values matter. For that reason, he focuses not only on interaction between states but also interaction between three main party families within the European context: 1) Liberals, 2) Conservatives and 3) Socialists. In particular, he looks at the differences they have on two main issues for the future of the EU: 1) further enlargement of the EU and 2) global ambitions of the EU. The article is drawing on contemporary literature on foreign policy of small states and small powers. It argues that Croatia needs more strategic thinking in order to make best use of new opportunities. Adapted from the source document.