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Comments on "refleksprosjektet"; a Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiative to define Norwegian foreign policy in a new era faced with global changes in the areas of environment, energy, global warming, health, poverty, world security, technology and communication, international migration, religion, the global economy and changes in Norwegian changes in the areas of oil, the petroleum fund, open society, and global economic dependencies. Comments include the relationship between government initiative reports and practical politics, challenges of future planning, and value of plans to increase experience based learning. Concludes that the value of the initiative is increased focus, interest, debate, and understanding of Norwegian foreign policy issues. References. E. Sundby

Migration and mobility transform the daily lives and surroundings of those who travel and relocate, as well as the places they move from and to. This anthology presents some of the disparate perspectives, theories and methodologies that characterize research on migration and mobility.

Through the book's eleven chapters the authors shed light on international research on migration and Norwegian research on transience and tourism. The contributions include empirical studies of immigrant workers and their welfare, marginalization in the job market and opportunities for successors, social mobility in the new country, repro-migration, and local community responses and adaptation to mobility. The book also provides a comprehensive discussion of Norwegian integration policy and methodological challenges and blind spots in Norwegian migration research. On the whole, Migration and Mobility – Actions, Patterns and Perceptions in the Context of Norway is a significant contribution to the advancement of research in these areas.

The book will be of interest to everyone concerned with the study of migration and mobility in Norway, but especially to researchers in the field and students of sociology, social anthropology, human geography and other social sciences at the higher educational level.

Migration and Mobility has been edited by Mariann Villa (professor of sociology, NTNU), Erik T. Valestrand (doctoral fellow in sociology, NTNU) and Johan Fredrik Rye (professor of sociology, NTNU). - Migrasjon og mobilitet former hverdagsliv og omgivelser for dem som flytter og reiser, og på de stedene det flyttes og reises til. Denne antologien viser noe av mangfoldet av perspektiver, teorier og metodologier som preger forskningen innen migrasjon og mobilitet. Gjennom elleve kapitler belyser forfatterne internasjonal migrasjonsforskning og nasjonal flytte- og turismeforskning. Bidragene inkluderer empiriske studier av arbeidsinnvandrere og deres omsorgspraksis, marginalisering på arbeidsmarkedet og etterkommeres muligheter, innenlands sosial mobilitet, repromigrasjon og lokalsamfunns respons på og tilpasning til mobilitet. Boka tilbyr også en mer overordnet diskusjon om norsk integreringspolitikk og om metodologiske utfordringer og blindsoner i norsk migrasjonsforskning. Samlet sett er Migrasjon og mobilitet – handlinger, mønstre og forståelser i norsk sammenheng et bidrag til videre utvikling av forskningsfeltet migrasjon og mobilitet. Boka retter seg mot alle med interesse for hvordan migrasjon og mobilitet studeres i norsk sammenheng, men særlig mot forskere på feltet og studenter i sosiologi, sosialantropologi, samfunnsgeografi og andre samfunnsvitenskaper på høyskole- og universitetsnivå. Migrasjon og mobilitet er redigert av Mariann Villa (professor i sosiologi, NTNU), Erik T. Valestrand (doktorgradsstipendiat i sosiologi, NTNU), og Johan Fredrik Rye (professor i sosiologi, NTNU).

Is the classic diplomat one of globalization's many victims? Has foreign policy become an underutilization of domestic politics? We still have an international state system, based on diplomacy as a tool, where dialogue and negotiation between equal players are the axiom, or is it about to dissolve in their regions and religions? How should foreign policy is organized and managed in order to be optimally equipped for global common challenges? These are some of the issues that the sacking stream of books on international politics, economics and diplomacy takes up. One category sheds new light on the bureaucratic state, the global system and the challenges it faces. The Christian Westphalian order has evolved since the mid-1600s, based on sovereignty, strategy and balance of power, but the world is now moving back to something similar to a pre-modern state system, characterized by system clash, legitimacy struggle and the emergence of new powers who want to transform the ground rules, in the worst case, override them completely. Adapted from the source document.

The existence of private organizations such as Blackwater, Red Cross and Standard & Poor's has been criticized by various authors for taking away the central role of the state in the global decision making process. Their solution has been global governance, where transnational and international government driven organizations, such as the European Union or United Nations take the lead. It is argued that the Norwegian debate around this issue is, unfortunately, ill-equipped for tomorrow's challenges. L. Pitkaniemi

The Minamata Convention, which entered into force on 16 August 2017, is a global, legally binding instrument on mercury. The initiative on the Minamata Convention was mainly driven by research showing negative effects on human health and the environment in the Arctic. The Arctic Council, an intergovernmental forum promoting cooperation on Arctic issues, and its Working Group, AMAP, played an important role in the process leading up to international negotiations on the Minamata Convention. This paper elucidates the evolutionary process in which scientific knowledge, herded by an intergovernmental, regional forum, is involved and forms the basis for a legally binding agreement. The paper provides new insight on multilevel governance of the mercury issue and unravels the role that AMAP has played in this dynamic process.

Decision-making processes during Norway's membership of the UNSC 2001-2002 are the empirical focus of this article. Based on anthropological fieldwork in the period, I discuss why it was necessary for practice and informal processes to be included when international organizations were being studied, but also how Norwegian UN policy was determined during the period. Furthermore, I show how formal structures are a marginalization of practical realities and how informal processes overlap formal structures on the way to consensus being achieved between member states in the UNSC. I investigate how this overlap has implications for policy-making in small states such as Norway when represented in international organizations like the UNSC. It is important to examine how formal instructions are being interpreted, adapted and reformulated through practice and informal action, and, when studying these effects, to illuminate the power relations in international politics. Adapted from the source document.

This article presents the opinion that American exceptionalism has returned post 9/11. It is argued that Ronald Reagan's international relations during the cold war displayed the attitude that power is more important than intellectual, factual, historical, ideological, or moral obligations. The uses of power employed by Americans in international conflicts are compared to the uses of power employed by empires of the past. A historical exploration is included of the development of exceptionalist attitudes from the founding of the US in the 1700's, throughout the continual expansions of the 1800's and into the industrial and military power of the 1900's. It is further argued that American traditions during the early 1900's border on messianism, where the American people are the chosen people, and that Reaganism was a natural extension of these traditions, whereas post Reagan there was no need for American messianism or exceptionalism, and thus American Presidents sought a new world order where the US would participate in integrated global economics and politics in cooperation with other nations. George W. Bush's politics post 9/11 with its war on terror marked the return of American exceptionalism. E. Sundby

The author examines the power of superdelegates to exert disproportionate influence on the selection of the Democratic nominee for president. It is asserted that superdelegates consist dominantly of the party elite or party machine and are primarily white males, which it is further argued goes to the heart of the elitist concept of American exceptionalism. The history of American exceptionalism is examined. The introduction of superdelegates into the Democratic Party nomination process and front-loading of state elections to influence the nomination process are discussed as examples of exceptionalist politics. Campaign financing and spending is discussed, including the issue of campaign finance reform. One perspective presented on superdelegates is that they are intended to balance out the liberal tendencies of the average democrat voter in the primary election to promote the nomination of a moderate candidate. References. E. Sundby

Between the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall Germany showed great aversion towards using military force for other purposes than territorial defense and held a multilateral balance between France and the United States with their respective ambitions EU and NATO. After the Wall fell, the German security policy started to change and German politicians increasingly argued for military use as a legitimate instrument in international politics. Among the driving forces for this process has been the change in European strategic culture as Europe is looking towards an integrated foreign and security policy, which may even go against German interest. L. Pitkaniemi

The article discusses China's policies in and towards the Arctic and Africa within a comparative perspective. To what extent is China's policy adaptable to different conditions? What does this adaptability tell us about China's ascendant great-power role in the world in general? What is the message to the Arctic and Africa respectively? The article concludes that China's regional strategies aptly reflect the overall grand strategy of a country that is slowly but surely aiming at taking on the role of leading global superpower. In doing so, Chinese foreign policy has demonstrated flexibility and adaptive tactics, through a careful tailoring of its so-called core interests and foreign policy principles, and even identity politics, to regional conditions. This implies that regions seeking autonomy in the context of great power activism and contestation should develop their own strategies not only for benefiting from Chinese investment but also in terms of managing dependency on China and in relation to China and great power competition.