Suchergebnisse

Mot bakgrund av aktuella tendenser till global spridning av bilinnehav och bilbruk identifieras ett antal samband mellan vad som sker i redan motoriserade lænder och i sådana som nu håller på att motoriseras. Från redan motoriserade lænder sker en påverkan genom øverføring av livsstilar, genom konkret bilexport och genom medverkan till uppbygg-nad av inhemsk bilindustri i de nya billænderna. Om den førvæntade økningen av bilanvændning i lænder utanfør OECD kommer att intræffa, kommer redan motoriserade lænder att påverkas på olika sætt: de kommer att utsättas för risker før långvarig turbulens på oljemarknaden, internatio-nella krav på minskade utslæpp per capita av koldioxid, framvæxten av en ny internationell maktstruktur på marknaderna før alternativa brænslen och fordon anpassade till dessa. Uppsatsen mynnar ut i ett antal provokativa slutsatser før nordisk transportpolitik i ett 20-årsperspektiv.

Interview med professor i sociologi ved Ludwig-Ma¬ximilians-Universitetet i München, Ulrich Beck, der er en af de vigtigste stemmer i genopdagelsen af kosmopolitismen og i at formulere et politisk svar på globaliseringen. Interviewet diskuterer Becks vigtigste begreber og hans syn på EU som et kosmopolitisk projekt

This study takes as its point of departure the theorizing on citizenship and globalization. Today it is common to discuss a "flexible" citizenship beyond the paradigm of the nationstate, which, besides its legal aspects of rights and obligations, also includes identification with and participation in various communities, primarily political ones. "Politics", in this context, is considered to be constituted on the micro-level, discursively between individuals (e.g. Laclau and Mouffe 1985). The aim of the study is to, through the study of collective meaning making, contribute to the theory building about citizenship and globalization. The study consists of three cases, each of which attracted much media attention, with varying degrees of proximity and distance. The construction of political community, on various levels on the globalization scale (subnational, national, transnational) within the collective meaning making, is studied. The aim of the study also includes the analysis of the discursive resources that are used for the making of meaning. "External" discourses such as media messages and interpersonal communication are analyzed as well as "internal" ones: e.g. values, norms, identifications and experiences. In addition, the study aims at localizing the construction of meaning and community within the structural context , and relating it to current structures of power. The thesis is concluded with a suggestion of how to relate the discursive construction of political identity to deliberative democracy theory. The empirical material is collected by means of focus-groups interviews, including 2–5 people, with a total of 133 respondents. The transcribed material is analyzed by means of critical discourse analysis, CDA. The study identifies two different types of identity constructions: processes of nationalization, where the experienced Swedish identity and community function normatively in the making of meaning, and processes of subnationalization, among those groups that somehow felt excluded from and mistreated by the national (Swedish) environment. The thesis concludes that the collective making of meaning within an assumed national community contains ideological elements and works to a large extent in the service of power. However, the subnationally compressed communities create meaning in an oppositional manner, compared with the nationalized community and in relation to structures of power. Active citizenship is thus best located in conflict, among groups that experience exclusion and oppression in different situations (Mouffe 1995b). If this is right, the focus must shift from consensus to communication, efforts to open up discursive bridges between the hegemonic community and dissident voices should be made (c.f. Aronowitz 1995). An important space for transgressing communication is of course the media. However, the study shows that the media must deal with some problems before they are ready to serve as discursive bridges, for instance the tendency to make the factual antagonisms subordinate to homogenizing emotional reporting. In addition, there seems to exist a need for the political institutions to move beyond the paradigm of the nation-state, and find other frameworks for the democratic processes, not least at the subnational level. Thus, instead of discussing either a global or a national citizenship one could, with Habermas (2001), reflect on a postnational citizenship relating to the reflexive transformation of national civic sovereignty into subnational and supranational citizenship.

HUGO CANCINO TRONCOSO y STEEN FRYBA CHRISTENSEN Universidad de Aalborg, Dinamarca Resumen: En este artículo nos proponemos discutir y analizarlas problemáticas y tópicos centrales de la presente edición temática de nuestra publicación, cuyo finalidad es colocar en el foco las tendencias de continuidad y también de ruptura de los fenómenos sociales, políticos, ideológicos y económicos de América Latina. Nuestro punto de partida es la irreversibilidad de los procesos de globalización después de más de una década de debates entre globalistas y antiglobalistas. En este contexto, insertamos el análisis de los actores sociales, étnicos políticos, en sus discursos y acciones en esta última década en cuyo momento final irrumpe la crisis financiera internacional que en deferentes modos e intensidades influye los países de América Latina. Palabras claves: globalización, modernidad, modernizaciones Summary: In this article we set out to discuss and analize the central issues and problematiques of the present thematic edition of our publication, whose aim is to focus on the tendencies of continuity but also of ruptures with regard to social, political, ideological and economic phenomena in Latin America. Our starting point is the irreversibility of the processes of globalization after more than a decade of debates between globalists and anti-globalists. In this context we place our analysis of the social, ethnic and political actors, both in terms of their discurses and actions in this last decade that has ended with the irruption of the international financial crisis which influences the Latin American countries in different ways and degrees. Key words: Globalization, modernity, modernization.

Interview med to af Danmarks mest kendte politikere, Poul Nyrup Rasmus¬sen og Søren Krarup, der i veloplagte og engagerede samtaler med Henrik Borup Nielsen indtager ganske modsatrettede synspunkter omkring det kosmopolitiske, globaliseringen, EU, det internationale samarbejdes dybde og nødvendighed mv. samt i forhold til spørgsmålet: hvorvidt man kan være verdensborger.

Interview med professor i statskundskab ved London School of Economics, David Held, der har udgivet en lang række vigtige værker om globalisering, international, kosmopolitisme og behovet for en global demokratisering af de politiske og økonomiske processer. Interviewet diskuterer Helds udgave af kosmopolitismen og hans vurdering af andre tænkere inden for feltet.

Drawing on experiences from a cross disciplinary research project entitled "Youth and the City, Skills, Knowledge and Social Reproduction", the paper explores ways of studying globalisation and schooling across national contexts focusing on secondary schools in Lusaka, Hanoi and Recife. I use the term eduscape to analyze the interconnectedness of schools, educational projects, values and processes across the World. The study provides example of how young people from different social, cultural and political contexts negotiate what appears as an almost similar educational project across the three cities. The schools in this study are inhabited by teachers and students who belong to different generations. Many of the teachers carry with them educational traditions that are rooted in a past where the role of schools as state institutions has been to mirror and reproduce the power structures of previous regimes. Democratization and liberal reforms have created profound changes within state institutions, and the prospects of both schools and education generally have changed accordingly. Young people who attend secondary schools are actors in an eduscape that they are continuously constructing by negotiating identities between the past, represented by teachers, parents, and inherited habits and routines, and the future, manifested in terms of the promises of progress and modernity that are attached to education. This study provides a picture of young people across national and cultural contexts who are in confusion over the aims and perspectives of education, since the rhetoric of promise and potential does not match the realities in which they live. Nonetheless it is remarkable to see how the rhetoric of promise and potential functions as point of departure for criticizing the lack of any real opportunities. Eduscapes are spaces for controlling and disciplining young people through processes of social segregation, but they are also spaces for criticism: Across the three sites raise young people raise criticisms not only of schools, but of society as such. In Recife the complaint is about 'pretending democracy', in Lusaka about the emptiness of the educational project - lack of quality and opportunities, and Hanoi about the contradictions embedded in the reforms and the turn towards the open market.

Artiklen præsenterer og diskuterer nye former for kosmopolitisme, der ikke forstår sig selv som fritsvævende eller fjendtlige over for ethvert lokalt fællesskab, men som forsøger at afbalancere vores forpligtelser over for vores nære og fjerne medmennesker. Kosmopolitismens kerne som mistro overfor lukkethed og begrænsning fremhæves sammen med dens aktuelle former i en hhv. kulturel og politisk kosmopolitisme; og begrebet kosmopolis i betydningen 'verden som en by' diskuteres som billede på kosmopolitismens tiltrækning og afsky.

Artiklen diskuterer med udgangspunkt i den tyske retssociolog Gunther Teubner muligheden af en global ret uden stater. I Teubners Luhmann-inspirerede systemteori betegner retspluralisme den dynamiske interaktion mellem forskellige former for normativ orden inden for samme sociale felt. Teubners optimistiske tese er, at statens betydning som udøver af sanktioner og lovgivningsmagtens betydning som retskilde efter¬hånden vil svinde til fordel for en global ret, der vokser ud af subsystemerne i verdenssamfundets periferi. Thuesen Pedersen sætter spørgsmålstegn ved denne optimisme ved at pege på nødvendigheden af veldefinerede voldsmonopoler og behovet for politiske institutioner på internationalt og globalt niveau, som kan danne modvægt til multinationale selskaber i etableringen af retsforhold, der er et globalt samfund værdigt. På denne baggrund konklud¬erer han, at den traditionelle kongerække af statstænkere fra Bodin, Hobbes og Hegel frem til Habermas ikke har mistet deres relevans, selv om konteksten har ændret sig radikalt.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse the EU vocational education and training policy process (The Copenhagen Process) from a critical perspective based on the policy analysis methodology, "What's the Problem Represented to Be?" (WPR) developed by Professor Carol Bacchi. The main research question "How can the European vocational education and training policy process - the Copenhagen Process - be understood from a WPR perspective? " is addressed in six articles which take apart the Copenhagen Process and deal with specific WPR questions and specific aspects of the Copenhagen Process: the construction of vocational education and training; changes in governmentality; the genealogy of EC vocational education and training policy; the technologies of Europeanization; and finally the discursive and institutional effects of the policy process in the Danish context. The thesis argues that the Copenhagen Process has legitimately extended vocational education and training policy formation to include the EU and its new institutional settings established through the Open Method of Coordination. Furthermore, vocational education and training is being reconfigured within a neoliberal Lifelong Learning discourse in which education and training in general is to contribute to the competitiveness of the EU in a global economy. Within this discourse, policy is de-politicized and naturalised as being neutral and evidence-based leading to the unreflective transfer of policies across countries.

The expectations modern art has to fulfill are of various kind. Modern art is to be a seismograph of societal developments and thus sensitive to political and economic themes. Thus, Western (critical) contemporary art is in the dilemma to deal with and challenge capitalism in mostly bourgeois frameworks of musealized exhibitions, criticizing political leadership and social inequalities and presenting it largely to exactly the established classes. Here contemporary art's task lies in both the individual and arts self-reflection and self-critique. Creating awareness of individual and collective historical processes and being able to sense and experience societal antagonisms can be described as conscious making by the means of critical modern art. Taking in account that to learn (socio-historically) art and thus to be able to sense dissonances is a pre-condition to understand modern art the question arises: How to deal with contemporary art from foreign cultures and unfamiliar civilizations? How to understand Asian critical contemporary art with a Western sensual kind of sensing and understanding? It is the question of universality and uniqueness of modern art and/or the integrating power of Western capitalism and consumerism within the sphere of critical art. Is it possible to sense and understand Chinese or Japanese art with a Western education and different socio-historical and political-economical understanding? How to decipher and contextualize modern art without "cultural expertise"? This contribution deals with the contradictions between the (cultural) particular and the general serving as gatekeepers for sensing societal and historical grown antagonisms and sensing of cultural and social dissonances in modern art production. Is modern art by definition Western? By experiencing Asian modern art the purpose of this research is to find the particularities and the general of (Asian) critical modern art.

Paperet er en diskussion af de to demokratimodeller, deliberativt og agonistisk. Det argumenteres at agonistisk demokrati overkommer en række grundlæggende vanskeligheder ved deliberativt demokrati. Men den måde som Chantal Mouffe har formuleret agonistisk demokrati på har en række problemer, særligt når det relateres til globalisering.

Territorial cohesion, broadly defined as the possibility for the population living in a territory to access services of general economic interest, is a relatively new concept, but which is increasingly gaining importance in the academic and policy-making spheres, especially in the European Union (EU). The objective of territorial cohesion, which builds on the European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP), is to help achieve a more balanced development by reducing existing disparities, avoiding territorial imbalances and by making sectoral policies, which have a spatial impact and regional policy more coherent. It also aims to improve territorial integration and encourage cooperation between regions. Territorial cohesion complements the notions of economic and social cohesion by translating the fundamental EU goal of a balanced competitiveness and sustainable development into a territorial setting. The concept of territorial cohesion attaches importance to the diversity of the European territory which is seen as a key competitive advantage, the preservation of the European social model, and the ability of the citizens of Europe's nations and regions to be able to continue to live within their historically produced territories and regions. This paper analyses the relationship between polycentric development and cohesion, describes the key EU policy steps on territorial cohesion and presents an index of territorial cohesion.

The Nordic Council of Ministers and the Government of Belgium organized a workshop on Operationalizing Equity in the 2015 Agreement on 24.-25.10.2013 in Stockholm, Sweden. The workshop aimed to focus on implementing equity in a practical way, rather than having abstract, theoretical discussions. The first day was devoted to academic presentation and follow-up discussions. The second day featured a roundtable discussion between negotiators under Chatham House Rules.

Why is it impossible to talk Swedish while queuing for a hamburger on a Friday night in Helsinki without getting into a fight, despite Swedish being an official language in Finland? The Queen of Denmark, the Government Minister, the Nobel Prize winner and the young editor-in-chief all have an intense relationship with language. In this book, they – along with a number of other people with a keen interest in language – talk about how language has shaped their lives, both private and professional. Language affects people – it engages and provokes. And power lies in language. Icelanders and Finns only have access to translated and interpreted material if they have not learned a Scandinavian language. Does the way we handle language in Nordic collaboration mean that we are creating a democratic deficit? How are we affected by tradition on the one hand and by the accelerating change brought about by globalisation on the other? Is it a question of generational boundaries? Would young people in Nordic countries rather speak English than Norwegian? These are some of the issues touched upon in this book. The author is a former journalist in the Swedish media world and has previously been Head of Communications at the Nordic Council of Ministers and the Nordic Council.