Suchergebnisse

In 2004, the Council of Europe established, through an unprecedented method, the European Roma & Travellers Forum as a consultative assembly to represent Roma & similar groups on the pan-European level. The body has a unique hybrid nature. It has been established as a non-governmental organization, but it still functions as a body of the Council of Europe, the intergovernmental organization to which it is linked by contract & by which it is financed. The article discusses in detail these extraordinary developments. Taking as a starting point the multilevel governance approach, it uses distinct explanatory models -- the ideational theory & republican liberalism at the international level & the transnational advocacy networks approach at the infranational level -- to analyze these events. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on a book by Lenka A. Rovna, Kdo vladne Britanii? ([Who Governs Great Britain?] Prague, Czech Republic: Sociologicke nakladatelstvi, 2004). References.

The paper studies the dynamics of EU external migration governance in the EU external migration policy. The external migration policy of the EU is characterized by the implementation of the conceptual framework of the Global Approach to Migration, which is based on the integration of migration issues in the EU external relations and on strengthening cooperation with partner countries. The aim of the study is to empirically describe the form of EU external migration governance on the four platforms of cooperation: the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership, the Euro-African dialogue on migration and development and the Prague Process. The paper concludes that despite the fact that the latest developments are moving toward a preference for fighting against illegal migration in the neighborhood of the EU, there is a dynamic development in more remote regional platforms of cooperation, which represents a balanced horizontal partnership guided by principles of the Global Approach to Migration. Adapted from the source document.

Kvalitu veřejné správy lze definovat jako stupeň splnění požadavků občanů na kvalitu života v jejich komunitě, regionu či národa. Pokud se podíváme na vývoj ukazatelů kvality správy, vidíme značné rozdíly nejen mezi jednotlivými zeměmi, ale také uvnitř těchto zemí. Navzdory těmto zjištěním, je tato oblast stále velmi málo prozkoumána. Současné průzkumy jsou založeny na předpokladu, že rozdíly na národní úrovni jsou významnější než rozdíly regionální a že rozdíl v kvalitě správy v evropských zemích jsou velmi malé. Tento dokument analyzuje pravděpodobně jediný přístup k posuzování kvality veřejné správy na regionální úrovni. Analýzou indikátoru The European Quality of Governance Index byly zjištěny významné rozdíly v regionální kvalitě veřejné správy. U některých zemích je hodnocení kvality správy na národní úrovni velmi zavádějící, jelikož jeho sub-národní posouzení se může v některých regionech výrazně liší. ; Quality of governance could be defined as the degree of fulfillment of the requirements of citizens for the quality of life in their community, region or nation. If we have a look at the development of any indicators of quality of governance, we can see significant differences not only between countries, but also within these countries. In spite of these findings, this field is still very little explored. Current surveys are based on assumptions that differences at the national level are more significant than the regional differences and that difference in the quality of governance across the European countries are very small. This paper analyzes probably the only approach for assessing the quality of governance on the regional level. Using European Quality of Governance Index were revealed significant differences in the regional quality of governance in some European countries. For some states the evaluation of national-level quality of governance is very misleading, as its sub-national assessment may differ considerably in some regions. National variability data may exhibit even a higher degree than the variability international in some cases.

The paper deals with the possibility of application of post-material – material cleavage at the local and regional level. Although the concept was originally designed for central level of political system decades ago, it is still relevant for different reasons. Through analysis of current state of research in respective field and existing papers on cleavages at the subnational level, the paper seeks for conditions under which concept of cleavages may be transferred at the subnational levels of governance. The concept of multilevel governance is then used to define specific features of different levels and to prove to possibility of such transfer. The results show the concept may be adapted at local and regional level, however it´s crucial to adjust the selected definition of cleavage, especially in terms of institutional manifestation.

This article aspires to overcome the barriers to a dialogue between the problem-solving and critical approaches to international peacebuilding. From the perspective of modern constructivism hypotheses are formulated concerning the influence of international peacebuilding on the development of sustainable democratic self-governance in the target countries. The hypotheses are tested on two cases of international initiatives in the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina -- the cases of the defense and the police sector reforms. The empirical analysis then validates the hypotheses, and the results are presented in charts. The main idea of the article is that adherence to the principles of liberal governance in the course of international peacebuilding is considerably vital for the build-up of liberal peace in the target country in itself. Adapted from the source document.

Using the case of the Lebanese movement Hezbollah, the article deals with the phenomenon of the governance of non-state armed groups in failing states and the conditions for its emergence. It argues that one of the key requirements for the emergence and long-term preservation of a non-state armed group's authority is its fulfillment of functions usually associated with the state (such as the provision of security, public goods and services and the legitimation of its authority) that the failing state is not able to provide. The study specifically shows how Hezbollah is able to substitute for or complement the Lebanese state in each of its functions and consecutively use the wide network of its governance institutions for strengthening its political authority. As a result of Hezbollah's practices and strategies of governance, the forms of political control of the territory are being gradually changed and hybridized. Adapted from the source document.

The key argument of the presented text is the idea that the reform of the US security policy that started after 9/11; the US participation on counter-insurgency, stabilization and nation--building operations in Iraq and Afghanistan; and the big pressure on the domestic security structure led to a reorganization of the US security policy and a transformation of the domestic governance structures and practices according to the model of security governance. In an effort to defend the US against possible future terrorist attacks and formulate the robust counter-insurgency operation in Iraq and Afghanistan, the US Government started to create a new model of security policy organization and integrate diplomacy, development and defense instruments. While security policy used to have a clear chain of command, security governance is marked by a non-linear, horizontal, and networked policy coordination. Adapted from the source document.

This article focuses on the classification of the cabinets in power during the era of the independent Czech Republic. The question we ask is whether we can generally identify any prevailing type of cabinet. Our conclusion is that there were mostly minimal winning coalitions based on the cooperation of ideologically distant political parties or minority cabinets. None of these versions provided government stability. Another aim of the text is to analyze the influence of party & electoral systems on governance. In this respect we tried to answer the question, what would contribute to the smoother formation of Czech governments & their increased stability? The crucial negative factor we identified in the sphere of the party system is the existence of a radical party with minimal coalition potential -- the Communist Party of Bohemia & Moravia. In our opinion, however, this fact can be changed by regular coalition cooperation with the Czech Social Democratic Party. We believe that as far as electoral system modifications are concerned, a positive factor could be represented by a reform that would introduce the mandate premium awarded to the winning coalition or party & at the same time a single electoral district. This would strengthen the position of the election winner & ensure greater homogeneity of governments. It would also eliminate the disproportion between the real electoral support of small parties & their significantly lower number of mandates won. Adapted from the source document.

In transition countries, dangerous distortions were introduced by a nonlegal or criminal privatization of management with the help of former or new informal networks connecting managers to the irregular economy & to some extent to the mafia. State regulation is required to control monopoly power in privatized utilities & sectors where private stakes have won privileged position. It is necessary to recognize the unavoidable role of the state in economic restructuring & use its intervention as a complementary -- rather than an antagonistic -- tool of the economic transition. 87 References. Adapted from the source document.