Suchergebnisse

I have the honour on behalf of the Government of the French Republic, in agreement with the Governments of the United States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, to draw your attention to the serious situation which has arisen as the result of the unilateral imposition by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of restrictions on transport and communications between the Wester[n] Zones of Occupation in Germany and Berlin. Quite apart from the fact that it is in conflict with the rights of the French, United States and British Governments, this action by the Soviet Government is contrary to its obligations under Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations and creates a threat to the peace within the meaning of Chapter VII of the Charter.

"State-owned enterprises combine economic activities resulting from their position on the market with non-economic functions determined by the state owner. In many of the world's major economies, SOEs play an important role, and in some, such as China, India, Russia and Brazil, they are outright dominant. At the same time, the existence of SOEs is largely ignored by economic theory and the current figures on SOEs on a global scale available in the literature are questionable in terms of their methodological validity and thus they do not allow for a proper cross-country analysis. This book fills this research gap. It focuses on the scope and importance of SOEs in a broad group of the largest economies, primarily on a variety of quantitative estimates. It contains the results of an extensive and unique empirical study of 37 of the world's largest economies over the period from 2009 to 2018. The findings showed that the average share of SOEs - measured by operating revenues and total assets - in the group of the largest hundred enterprises (Top 100) of a given country is nearly 30%, while in the Top 20 group it is even slightly higher. The authors present an econometric analysis showing the relationship between the scope of SOEs and the various economic and non-economic characteristics of the studied set of countries. The book also contains an in-depth discussion of selected key issues, such as the functions of SOEs in various types of economies, the role of SOEs in capital markets and the phenomenon of SOEs with foreign capital. This work is addressed to both academic economists, dealing with macroeconomics and economic policy, as well as researchers and analysts from various international organizations and think-tanks."

"In 1974, at the age of thirty-two, Les AuCoin became the first Democrat to win a US House seat in Oregon's First Congressional District. He was one of the young post-Watergate reformers who shook up an insular, autocratic Congress and led fights for affordable housing, "trickle-up" economics, Oregon wilderness, abortion rights, and nuclear arms control. In the late-1980s, the Oregonian called him one of the most "influential lawmakers in the Pacific Northwest." In this highly readable collection of life stories, AuCoin traces his unlikely rise from a fatherless childhood in Central Oregon to the top ranks of national power. Then came a painful defeat in one of the most controversial races in US Senate history, against incumbent Bob Packwood. But AuCoin's tale does not end there. A fly fisher, AuCoin uses "catch and release" as a metaphor that speaks to all of us-succeeding and letting go of loss with dignity and equanimity. His memories are in turn funny, suspenseful, and revealing. AuCoin's journey takes him to the Kremlin, pre-industrial China, the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, and into the tortuous politics of the Northwest spotted owl crisis. He interacted with global figures like Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan, legislative leaders such as House Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright, Oregon legends Tom McCall and Mark Hatfield, and, closer to home, activists like Sidney Lasseigne of the Newport Fishermen's Wives. Each of these individuals helped mold international, national, and state politics. In Catch and Release, readers will get a glimpse behind the scenes of congressional life, as lived by the 535 souls who inhabit the US House and Senate-including the author, who assesses his own strengths and foibles with humility and candor"--

"America has long been criticized for refusing to give harbor to the Jews of Europe as Hitler and the Nazis closed in. Now a U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum scholar tells the extraordinary story of the War Refugee Board, President Franklin D. Roosevelt's little-known effort late in the war to save the Jews who remained. In January 1944, a young Treasury lawyer named John Pehle accompanied his boss to a meeting with the president. For more than a decade, the Jews of Germany had sought refuge in the United States and had been stymied by Congress's harsh immigration policy. Now the State Department was refusing to authorize relief funds Pehle wanted to use to help Jews escape Nazi territory. At the meeting, Pehle made his best case--and prevailed. Within days, FDR created the War Refugee Board, empowering it to rescue the victims of Nazi persecution, and put John Pehle in charge. Over the next twenty months, Pehle pulled together a team of D.C. pencil pushers, international relief workers, pirates, diplomats, millionaires, confidence men, and rabble-rousers to run operations across four continents and a dozen countries. Together, they tricked the Nazis, forged identity papers, smuggled food into concentration camps, recruited spies, leaked news stories, negotiated ransoms, and funneled millions of dollars into Europe. They bought weapons for the French Resistance and ships to transport Romanian refugees to Palestine. Altogether, they saved tens of thousands of lives. In Rescue Board, U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum scholar Rebecca Erbelding uses unrivaled access to archival materials and fresh interviews with survivors to tell the dramatic unknown story of America's last-ditch effort to save the Jews of Europe"--

Introduction : the failure of the two-state solution and delimiting the one-state idea / Hani A. Faris -- Is the two-state settlement feasible? The deeper politics of Jewish settlements / Virginia Tilley ; A racialised space : the future of Jerusalem / Saree Makdisi ; Building a Palestinian state under occupation : reassessing the Oslo process / Husam Said Zomlot ; Is the two-state settlement still viable? : an overall assessment of the present situation / Naseer H. Aruri ; Israel's war on Gaza : Zionism's Pyrrhic victory? / Nancy Murray -- Ideologies and the idea of a historic settlement. Deconstructing the Zionist settler narrative and constructing an alternative / Gabriel Piterberg ; In the golden age of Constantinian Judaism : the future of the indigenous Jewish prophetic : Israel, ethnic particularism and universalist values / Marc H. Ellis ; Challenging the consunsus favouring the two-state model / Ali Abunimah ; A blueprint for a one-state movement : a troubled history / Ilan Pappé -- Practicalities in the search for a resolution of the conflict. The rights of Palestinian refugees and territorial solutions in historic Palestine / Susan M. Akram ; The geographic and demographic imperatives of a single state / Salman H. Abu Sitta ; Mizrahi feminism and the question of Palestine : two states or one? ? Smadar Lavie -- Mobilising for a solution. Mobilising Palestinians in support of one state / George E. Bisharat ; Mobilising Israel and the world Jewry for the one-state solution / Norton Mezvinsky ; Palestinians in Israel and binationalism : escape from the impasse / As'ad Ghanem ; Reversing defeat trhough non-violent power / Nadia Hijab ; Building movements for the one-state solution in Palestine and the Arab world / Leila Farsakh ; Awakening the American conscience about Israel/Palestine / Joel Kovel ; Building an international movement to promote the one-state solution / Ghada Karmi.

In South Tyrol, which belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire until the end of World War One, common properties had played an important role in livestock farming and forest management since the Middle Ages. A large part of these common lands were possessed by rural communes. But there also existed collectives of farmers called 'neighbourhoods' which claimed special rights ('from time immemorial') to use a part of the common lands as theirown. In most cases the Austrian legislation of the nineteenth century acknowledged the rights of these neighbourhoods. As a consequence of the peace treaty of Saint-Germain (1919) South Tyrol became part of the Italian kingdom. In 1927 the Italian government enacted a law in order to regulate the use of rural commons in a homogeneous way. The common lands were assigned to the rural communes by special decrees. But the lands of the neighbourhoodswere in many cases also declared as common lands and assigned to the rural communes. Only after the commencement of the so-called First Statute of Autonomy, which permitted legislative competence to the provincial government of South Tyrol (Bolzano province), was it possible to re-establish the neighbourhoods and to restore their collective property. ; In South Tyrol, which belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire until the end of World War One, common properties had played an important role in livestock farming and forest management since the Middle Ages. A large part of these common lands were possessed by rural communes. But there also existed collectives of farmers called 'neighbourhoods' which claimed special rights ('from time immemorial') to use a part of the common lands as theirown. In most cases the Austrian legislation of the nineteenth century acknowledged the rights of these neighbourhoods. As a consequence of the peace treaty of Saint-Germain (1919) South Tyrol became part of the Italian kingdom. In 1927 the Italian government enacted a law in order to regulate the use of rural commons in a homogeneous way. The common lands were assigned to the rural communes by special decrees. But the lands of the neighbourhoodswere in many cases also declared as common lands and assigned to the rural communes. Only after the commencement of the so-called First Statute of Autonomy, which permitted legislative competence to the provincial government of South Tyrol (Bolzano province), was it possible to re-establish the neighbourhoods and to restore their collective property.

The scope of this article is the analysis of the situation created by the Coronavirus which has been a risk to the health of the humans and at the same time has af-fected the legal systems in a country. In addition, this article will try to highlight likewise in the whole World, the same way the Albanian legal system is caught em-inently unprepared to respond and protect "the right to health" and consequently the management of the Covid-19 pandemic. The situation of the pandemic in addition of being a great test for the human immunity, seems to have done the same for the "immunity" of legal systems in general and the Albanian system, on which the study will be focused mainly. Although the legal system provided for exceptional measures to respond to the situation in a subtle way in respect to fundamen-tal rights, the Albanian government in particular and governments around the World seem to have been disoriented and have lost the thread to react in a natural way in respect to the provisions of the legal order in response to the Covid-19 and respect for individual rights of health with dignity. This disorientation of the gov-ernment actions towards the response to the situation seemed to be ineffective and contagious like the virus itself. The situation of Covid-19 infection has begun to be managed through the law that regulates infections and infectious diseases, adopt-ing various secondary regulations in accordance with this law. Thus, in Albania, the Government has made legislative interventions through the decree laws, to tighten the administrative sanctions against people who did not respect the "lock-down". This legislation was followed by the proclamation of the state of emergency throughout the Albanian territory. So the situation inevitably has influence on the sustainability of the society because this disorientation of the legislative activi-ty created confusion in this country. The state of emergency is foreseen in the Al-banian, obviously taking into account the proportionality of the reaction to the danger. In this context, the article intends to make a detailed analysis considering some comparative aspects, and as regards the proportionality of the measures adopted by the Albanian government.

The directions, levers of expansion of digitalization of spheres of activity of territorial communities and local self-government bodies in Ukraine, which in the conditions of reforms of decentralization and administrative-territorial system received a considerable volume of powers, considering available technological, institutional, financial preconditions, are investigated. The experience of local self-government bodies in expanding the range of application of digitalization of territorial communities for their smart specialization and finding sources of funding for digital infrastructure development projects is studied. Thus, a significant proportion of them plan to create e-registers of their resources (human (demographic), natural, land, real estate, business, recreational and tourist, etc.) for a number of reasons: i) as a result of administrative reform (consolidation of the district network) there is a need for redistribution between district councils of reorganized districts (490 units before) and consolidated newly created ones (136 units now); ii) decentralization reform continues with the redistribution of powers between local executive bodies and district councils and between them and the united territorial communities in the newly created districts; iii) the process of transformation of project territorial communities (1473 units) into united territorial communities by creating new ones or joining existing united territorial communities is still underway; iv) powers are redistributed between the new bodies of local self-government and territorial subdivisions of the central bodies of executive power within the framework of their transformation into bodies according to the type of prefectures (for control of observance of the legislation). Difficulties of succession of legal entities with the transfer of property, land exist due to the fact that new self-government bodies were created after the local elections of October 25, 2020, and legislation on succession has not been adopted (exists in the status of the draft Law of Ukraine), while changes to the Budget Code of Ukraine with the new administrative-territorial structure of Ukraine and the formation of new subjects of power at the level of united territorial communities have been introduced by law. The digitalization of the territorial communities is also particularly important during the COVID-19 pandemic, when sectors that meet the basic needs of modern man are moving online, minimizing the need to leave home to live, do business and be productive.

Law No. 36 of 1999 concerning Telecommunication has brought many changes, especially in the development of telecommunications infrastructure in Indonesia. However, the penetration of telecommunications services in the forefront, outermost, and backward regions is still relatively low. The government has made various efforts in terms of minimizing the gap in telecommunication services between urban and rural areas through various programs. However, an acceleration is needed so that the service disparity can be immediately overcome. One of the telecommunications products that can be applied to overcome these barriers is the Mobile Virtual Network Operator (MVNO). This study evaluates the most appropriate type of MVNO model to be applied in Indonesia by implementing the Consistent Fuzzy Preference Relations (CFPR) method. This method is able to accommodate expert opinion through a series of scientific steps so as to produce weights for each alternative type of MVNO model. The results obtained are that the most appropriate model to be applied in Indonesia by taking into account the criteria given. The implementation of this model is expected to be able to encourage the optimization of BTS USO that has been declared by the government. ; Law No. 36 of 1999 concerning Telecommunication has brought many changes, especially in the development of telecommunications infrastructure in Indonesia. However, the penetration of telecommunications services in the forefront, outermost, and backward regions is still relatively low. The government has made various efforts in terms of minimizing the gap in telecommunication services between urban and rural areas through various programs. However, an acceleration is needed so that the service disparity can be immediately overcome. One of the telecommunications products that can be applied to overcome these barriers is the Mobile Virtual Network Operator (MVNO). This study evaluates the most appropriate type of MVNO model to be applied in Indonesia by implementing the Consistent Fuzzy Preference Relations (CFPR) method. This method is able to accommodate expert opinion through a series of scientific steps so as to produce weights for each alternative type of MVNO model. The results obtained are that the most appropriate model to be applied in Indonesia by taking into account the criteria given. The implementation of this model is expected to be able to encourage the optimization of BTS USO that has been declared by the government.

Civil servants have an important role to play in carrying out development tasks and services to the community, this is stated in Law No. 5 of 2014 concerning ASN. In carrying out its duties, a Civil Servant (PNS) cannot be separated from the shortcomings and strengths that he does, one example of violations committed by the State Civil Apparatus of the Agam National Land Agency with alleged cases of corruption and misuse of certificates of shop houses (shophouses), kiosks in Lubuk Basung Old Market. The formulation of the problem in this research is, First, what is the legal protection for the State Civil Apparatus in providing services to the public at the ATR / BPN office of West Sumatra Province? Second, How is the effectiveness of the work of the State Civil Apparatus in public services at the West Sumatra Province ATR / BPN office? The specification of this research is descriptive analysis. The method used in this thesis research is to use a normative juridical approach which is supported by an empirical juridical approach, namely research in addition to looking at normative law also looks at the Legal Protection of State Civil Servants for public services in ATR / BPN West Sumatra Province. Based on the results of the research, it shows that (1) Legal protection for the State Civil Apparatus in providing services to the public at the ATR / BPN office of West Sumatra Province is in fact still not optimal because reforming the bureaucracy aimed at increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of the bureaucracy has not been carried out properly and obligations the government provides protection has not been realized and protection has not been issued. So that in case of negligence or mistakes made by ASN, the government only orders the Government Inspectorate to make efforts to resolve the problem. (2) The effectiveness of the work of the State Civil Apparatus in public services at the ATR / BPN office of West Sumatra Province is still not effective at this time. This is because there are several problems that have occurred and have not been resolved properly. For example, this happened when an ASN was sentenced because of an error in the HGB Management Rights service and the ASN did not get legal assistance, the government only made efforts to resolve the Building Use Rights case.

The NRA steadfastly maintains that the 30,000 gun-related deaths and 300,000 assaults with firearms in the United States every year are a small price to pay to guarantee freedom. As former NRA President Charlton Heston put it, "freedom isn't free." And when gun enthusiasts talk about Constitutional liberties guaranteed by the Second Amendment, they are referring to freedom in a general sense, but they also have something more specific in mind---freedom from government oppression. They argue that the only way to keep federal authority in check is to arm individual citizens who can, if necessary, defend themselves from an aggressive government. In the past decade, this view of the proper relationship between government and individual rights and the insistence on a role for private violence in a democracy has been co-opted by the conservative movement. As a result, it has spread beyond extreme "militia" groups to influence state and national policy. In Guns, Democracy, and the Insurrectionist Idea, Josh Horwitz and Casey Anderson reveal that the proponents of this view base their argument on a deliberate misreading of history. The Insurrectionist myth has been forged by twisting the facts of the American Revolution and the founding of the United States, the denial of civil rights to African-Americans after the Civil War, and the rise of the Third Reich under Adolf Hitler. Here, Horwitz and Anderson set the record straight. Then, challenging the proposition that more guns equal more freedom, they expose Insurrectionism---not government oppression---as the true threat to freedom in the U.S. today. Joshua Horwitz received a law degree from George Washington University and is currently a visiting scholar at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. He is Executive Director of the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence and the Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence. He has spent nearly two decades working on gun violence prevention issues. He lives in Arlington, Virginia. Casey Anderson holds a law degree from Georgetown University and is currently a lawyer in private practice in Washington, D.C. He has served in senior staff positions with the U.S. Congress, the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence, and Americans for Gun Safety. He lives in Arlington, Virginia.