Suchergebnisse

From the mid-1990s, the Japanese government has promoted the creation of a "gender-equal society," but since about 2000 this example of "state feminism" has faced a severe backlash. This article addresses the following questions about the phenomenon of Japanese state feminism, its history and its consequence: (1) How did the government policy for a "gender equal society" come into existence, and what explains its remarkably progressive nature? (2) What was the impact of the involvement of feminist scholars on policy-making? (3) What was the initial response to the policy? (4) What was the background of the backlash, who were the people and organizations involved, and what were the main arguments? (5) What has been the response to the backlash? (6) What are the connections and differences between the present controversy and the collaboration between feminism and the state in previous moments in Japanese history?

This article discusses the unique situation of Iraq: tremendous need in the infrastructure and basic services, huge financial resources and the sub-optimal capacity of the Government of Iraq (GoI) to utilize them to satisfy the needs. In 2007 only 65.1 of the Iraqi dinars (ID) 7,826
billion Capital Budget and 34 of the ID 2,883 billion Regional Development Fund have been spent. The physical performance on the ground under-performs as well. This article identifies the legal framework, planning capacity, economic and financial policies, coordination among the GoI institutions
and the implementation capacity that can be classified under one title: the sub-optimal conduct of the GoI including the legislative branch, the executive branch and the local governments. This article suggests a series of actions and measures to improve the conduct of the GoI in Capital Budget
execution.

Discusses the purposes, structure, processes, and pitfalls associated with government‐business alliances built through very broad‐based strategic planning. The need for these aliances often arises from issues or threats that neither party can resolve by itself. Geovernment and business alliances exist in all societies, varying only in frequency of use and effectiveness. Very broad‐based strategic planning (VBBSP) efforts seek a broad consensus through an inclusionary approach that reaches out to embrace representatives of the relevant constituencies. Paralleling the examination of VBBSP skills and efforts, addresses the use of VBBSP approaches as a technique for developing an organizational vision among various constituents who make up an organization. Concludes not only that government‐business alliances are common and essential but also that VBBSP may be the most effective way to address the different processes and outcomes related to these alliances. VBBSP also offers considerable promise for building intra‐organizational consensus.

Examines accountability in training and enterprise councils and uses executive pay as an example of changing mechanisms and values. Discusses a number of issues crucial to public sector management: democracy in "quangoland"; public sector ethics; what constitutes a private, as opposed to a public, organization. Contributes to the debate on the wider reordering of the machinery of government: the emergence of "quangoland" and the implication of this for accountability and democracy. One of the central issues in this is the seeming confusion over lines of responsibility, and how responsibility is divided between agency executives and Ministers in Parliament. Draws a contrast between the determination of pay for executives in the newly "private sector" Training and Enterprise Councils and their predecessors and counterparts in nationalized industries and local government. Highlights many of the central debates in the vastly changed world of public sector management in Britain.

Tracks public opinion on the Argentinian state's role in managing the privatization of enterprises & regulating prices in 1986 & 1988 surveys. Analysis shows that neither the hypothesis of a strong antistatist spirit nor one of a sudden shift in support for free market policies reflected public attitudes in the advent of the hyperinflation & economic reforms of 1988. Antistatist opinion was multidimensional, & public opinion about how the state should manage the price system followed a trend away from regulation & toward a free market. Correlational analysis of demographic & attitudinal variables suggests that different attitudes toward the role of the state were based primarily in the different political subcultures &, secondarily, in lifestyles. Peronist voters, the lower socioeconomic sectors, & the less educated supported big government; middle class & more educated voters sided with free market policies; & radical voters aligned their preferences with government action. 1 Table, 17 References. M. Pflum

The second of a two‐part article (Part I published in IJPSM
, Vol. 5 No.1) which continues the historical overview from 1949 when
the new democratic government instigated administrative reforms based on
initiatives from foreign research. In the period after the Second World
War attempts at reform were hindered by increased number of Civil
Servants and economic problems, particularly inflation and a fall in the
standard of living. Traces the difficulties which emerged between the
bureaucracy and successive governments as a direct result of their
failure to appreciate the role of the bureaucracy. The 1960 revolution
led to the establishment of three bodies with specific tasks to change
the structure of the economic and administrative systems and to
implement five‐year plans, but which met with limited success. Discusses
the ensuing excessive review and evaluation in every sphere of state
activity which has continued to date.

An analysis of ways that acts of political violence (terrorism) & their perpetrators are characterized in 3 US newspapers -- the Los Angeles Times, the New York Times, & the Washington Post. Using a quota sampling procedure, 258 articles reporting 127 such incidents between 1980 & 1985 were selected from entries in the newspapers' indices, resulting in 931 characterizations of politically violent events/acts & 589 characterizations of perpetrators. Characterizations were classified as either nominal or descriptive, as well as by source. Chi square analysis reveals significant differences in the characterizations made by the media, government, or witnesses: those of media personnel & witnesses were more nominal & employed more neutral terms, while those of government officials were more descriptive & used words that were inflammatory, judgmental, or sensationalistic. It is concluded that the US print media are not significantly culpable of sensationalism in their coverage of terrorism. 10 Tables, 1 Appendix. K. Hyatt

To what extent do ethnic minority groups influence foreign policy? This question hinges on the impact of cross-border ties between ethnic groups & the extent to which a minority ethnic group can "capture" foreign policy despite opposition from the majority in both democratic & autocratic regimes. The evidence suggests that ethnicity matters, but in a limited fashion: ethnic ties can heighten diplomatic conflict, influence decisions to provide support for insurgent groups, & exacerbate international crises. Yet these ties have little impact on decisions by governments to impose economic sanctions & are far from the primary determinant of international armed conflict. Ethnicity is but one cleavage over which political mobilization might occur, & one that neither scholars nor politicians should reify. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Research Highlights and Abstract This article: Provides a necessary critical reflection on the changes to the UK family migration visa 2012; Responds to the recent call made by Nick Vaughan-Williams and Victoria M. Basham in BJPIR for Critical Border Studies to better appreciate the interlocking elements of race, gender, class in border practices. It does this by also paying attention to sex; Challenges the presentism in the recent literature on border practices/immigration by situating the family migration visa in a broader history; Makes a strong contribution to the cross-over debates which are taking place in International Relations and governmentality literature regarding the postcolonial. It offers a Foucauldian analysis of government which takes colonial and postcolonial relations seriously. This article explores the changes to the family migration visa (2012) through a history of postcolonial government. It explores how the visa shares a familiar function to previous forms of rule which targeted the household and family as a site of regulation. Under Empire, 'marriage restrictions' were used to manage the 'intimate' connections between coloniser and colonised. Over the course of the 20th century UK border regimes also targeted the intimate and the familial to regulate racial proximity. In tracing this history, I argue that the family migration visa works as a similar technique. The visa manages the intimate space of the couple, family and household through an ideal domesticity; in line with certain raced, gendered and class norms. It highlights how government techniques make claims over whom can live with, raise a family with, be intimate with whom in Britain.

In the aftermath of the turmoil that shook North Africa in late 2010 and early 2011, commentators and analysts have sought explanations to the factors that triggered the uprisings and to understand why a region, seemingly characterized by relative stability for decades, would suddenly erupt in convulsions. Had an underlying dynamism in the region overwhelmed what were ostensibly stable authoritarian regimes? What were the connections to events and dynamics beyond the region, such as countries in the Middle East, international commodity markets, and environmental factors, amongst others? Why had allies abetted authoritarianism for so long, and what were the implications for such alliances? North African Politics: Change and continuity brings together experts to explore these questions, providing in-depth analyses of important developments in the region, which build upon and complement the 2008 companion volume, North Africa: Politics, Region and the Limits of Transformation. This 21-chapter volume is a key contribution that responds to the need in the Anglo-American sphere for sustained, critical studies on North Africa and examines political, economic, security, social and military aspects of the region. Focused studies on individual countries allow detailed discussion of regional factors. The book also examines extrinsic, trans-regional dynamics, such as North Africa's influential interdependencies with the Levant and the Gulf, Europe, Sahelian and sub-Saharan Africa, and North America. Its innovative approach provides new perspectives on North Africa, extending its research scope to include Egypt and exploring China's evolving role in the region.--

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's National Day Rally on Sunday signalled a putative shift in the government's policy towards tackling workplace discrimination and supporting lower-wage workers. While the tripartite approach remains the bedrock in industrial relations, the government is prepared to adopt a more muscular approach through regulation by legislation. Businesses must recognise the concerns of workers amid the unpredictable arc of the global pandemic. It cannot be business as usual.