Suchergebnisse

The collapse of the world economy in the thirties was especially felt in Poland. In that situation the state had to undertake some efforts in order to lighten the course of events as well as to precipitate the end of crisis. These efforts were also directed towards the possibly rapid reconstruction of the devastations in Polish economy caused by that crisis. The intervention measures of the Polish government embraced the whole variety of steps which were undertaken in all branches of national economy. The author of this paper comes to the analysis and evaluation of control policy which — apart from the customs policy and the policy of export promotion — constituted in those times the substantial form of state intervention in the field of Polish foreign trade. The control of foreign traffic was reviewed from the point of view of numerous restrictions, import quotas and barter business. After a thorough examination of the process of rapid development of the foreign traffic control in Poland the author points at the double objective of introducing the import quotas. On one hand those above mentioned quotas can be considered as the repercussion and result of autarchic processes developed amongst the Poland's trade partners and increasing difficulties in international trade as well as the result of commonly used foreign exchange restrictions causing the freeze of credit balance from exports. Those import restrictions were introduced in order to weaken the disadvantegeous influence of the above mentioned events on Polish foreign trade and — indirectly — on the whole Poland's economy. On the other hand the control policy was also facilitating the inland's economic and financial policy. In the years 1929 - 1935 the system of quotas highly contributed to the achievement of favourable balance of foreign trade and international payments; in the next years that system constituted one of the most significant factors realization of foreign exchange control. In addition, in the whole period being the subject of the present analysis, the compensatory turnover greatly facilitated the realization of policy of export promotion. The mentioned motives of using the control policy caused the seizure of almost full control of foreign trade by state. In this article the author evaluates the control policy on the basis of the demonstrated uniformity of that policy with the general, economic policy of the state. As the deflation policy of the crisis years is evaluated rather negatively the same appraisal can be adopted to the control policy in foreign trade. However the investment policy of the after-crisis years of economic growth is appreciated as the only justified policy within the framework of contemporary political system and therefore also the control policy should be positively appreciated. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The subject of the analysis in the article is the participation of the local government administration in running a cultural institution. The situation in the Podlaskie voivodship has been analyzed on a nationwide basis. The main problems focus on the principles and methods of financing cultural institutions by regional self-government and various ways of obtaining additional, extra-budgetary funding for their activities, especially from Ministry of Culture and National Heritage and the European Union. The author points to spatial, social, and financial diversification related to the access to cultural events and participation in them using the example of Podlaskie voivodship. He propounds greater professionalisation related to running cultural institutions at the level of the voivodship as well as conducting pro-development cultural policy by local government units. He also stresses the need for activating local and regional communities in connection with cultural events and participation in organizing them. Participation in culture at the local and regional level and prudent government policy in this area are the foundation for building a strong social and regional identity.

Financial determinants related to the budgetary situation of territorial self-government units play the most important role among all the factors affecting the undertaking and conducting of investments by territorial units. Finances are a key element in functioning of territorial self-government units as well as the primary determinant of viability and success of any investment. The objective of this article is to present financial determinants associated with the budgetary situation of territorial self-government units in Poland and their effects on investment execution by these entities. Consequently, investment expenditure, own income, and budgetary result with particular attention to operating surplus have been characterized.

In contemporary states the aims of public policy are more often met through the implementation of regulatory instruments. It appears vital then to analyse their theoretical background as well as to contextually specify the conditions of their effective implementation. The following paper aims to conduct an analysis of the regulatory instruments such as standards, soft law along with self-regulation. There are three types of regulatory standards pointed out (goal-oriented, resultative, specific). The choice of a given standard often depends on context-specific factors, and additionally it involves an important dilemma, i.e. whether they should be unified for all the subordinate entities or differentiated in terms of the given features of the regulated entities. The author analyses the so-called 'soft law' as a regulatory instrument, which is implemented both in national and international regulatory systems. The term is used within the framework of regulatory policy and holds that the aims of public policy can be met through the application of soft, and sometimes 'informal' tools, that in certain circumstances might turn out to be equally effective as typical hard regulatory tools that are subject to sanction. The article additionally aims to address the issue of self-regulation that encompasses a set of rules that economic entities have created in a voluntary way (informally) and reciprocally claim as legally binding. These can also entail formal rules (e.g. the codes of conduct) that are fully executed in courts. In the summary section it is claimed that the choice of regulatory instruments is the one that should be dependent on the level of maturity of the institutional structures functioning within an economy as well as the capacity of entities to adequately react to informative market signals.

The aim of the article is to analyse the state control function over the activity of local self-governments in the field of their finances. The analysis is based on empirical data of the Regional Accounting Chambers (RACs), which is a special body created for control and supervision in the field of local government finances. Attention is paid to the question of financial independence of the local powers and how it is influenced by the state's external supervision. In this context both too strong and too weak control has negative consequences for prudent funds usage by local government. The research indicates a decrease in law infringement by local authorities in the financial sphere. However, there are still cases of inefficient and irrational budget usage by local powers, which does not contradict the law, yet exerts a negative impact on their financial independence and performance of public tasks. Possible solutions of the indicated problems are outlined at the end of the article.

The main obstacles in the implementation of public policies emerge at the earlier stages of the agenda-setting and the formulation of goals due to institutional constraints. They comprise the ambiguities about the governing center and thus about the real actors of the public policy process. The government fully controls the legislation, although this results from a functional unity of the executive and the legislative powers rather than from formal regulations. The parliament gets deprived of its influence on public policy. The government, however, is not able to fulfill its functions, either. The evidence shows that the main actor in programming public policy is the administration, and the decision-taking process is dispersed among separate ministries without any real coordination and oversight. The law is an instrument of communicating decisions taken at the pre-legislative stage. The use of objective data and public consultations is occasional, although they could compensate for the declining role of the parliament. This makes the selection of proper policy instruments yet more difficult.

Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion has been continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of local government. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with the status of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economic self-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequential structural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be the major obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalise the excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area of public institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government and local authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffused economic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be the creation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into the system of public authorities.

The following discussion took place in September 2018 at the Warsaw School of Economics. It focused on both senior politics, experts, and analysts. The discussion was moderated and planned by Andrzej Klimczuk, associated with the Warsaw School of Economics, and invited to the discussion: Barbara Szatur-Jaworska, social politician and gerontologist from the University of Warsaw, Paweł Kubicki, economist, Warsaw School of Economics, Marek Niezabitowski, sociologist from the Silesian University of Technology, Ryszard Majer, social politician , Agnieszka Cieśla, architect and urban planner, Warsaw University of Technology, Marzena Rudnicka, founder and president of the National Institute of Senior Management (biographical notes at the end of the debate). Panelists during the discussion analyzed the following issues: I. Beginnings of the senior policy, its definition, strategic documents of the state, II. The role of local governments in animating activities within the framework of senior policy and non-governmental organizations, III. Creation and role of the law on seniors, IV. Diversification of the environment of seniors, V. Activities in other countries within the framework of the senior policy, VI. Changes in social awareness, the evolution of attitudes towards older people, old age, ageing, VII. The market for products and services for seniors, VIII. Seniors' activity, formal and informal, activity infrastructure, IX. Housing for older people and ageing population X. The role of the state and self-government in the senior policy, dialogue with the authorities, public-private partnership, XI. Challenges and directions of development of the senior policy, XII. The deficit of care services, XIII. Senior and pension policy, XIV. Convergence and divergence in the senior policy.

Studies presented in this publication were aimed at provide data necessary for the conducting of local government and citizenship dimension of the enlarged Polish foreign policy in Podlaskie region. The main objective was to investigate the diagnosis, as the local government units, non-governmental organizations, businesses and universities alluded cross-border cooperation with partners in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia (Kaliningrad). The publication indicated areas of the greatest potential, as well as barriers to such cooperation in the region. Particular attention was paid to the cooperation of these entities, combining their potentials and create joint projects.

The Constitution of Montenegro describes the state as a "civic, democratic, ecological state of social justice, based on the reign of Law." Montenegro is an independent and sovereign republic that proclaimed its new constitution on 22th October 2007. The President of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Predsjednik Crne Gore) is the head of state, elected for a period of five years through direct elections. The President represents the republic abroad, promulgates law by ordinance, calls elections for the Parliament, proposes candidates for Prime Minister, president and justices of the Constitutional Court to the Parliament. The President also proposes the calling of a referendum to Parliament, grants amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the national law, confers decoration and awards and performs other constitutional duties and is a member of the Supreme Defence Council. The official residence of the President is in Cetinje. The Government of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Vlada Crne Gore) is the executive branch of government authority of Montenegro. The government is headed by the Prime Minister, and consists both of the deputy prime ministers as well as ministers. The Parliament of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Skupština Crne Gore) is a unicameral legislative body. It passes laws, ratifies treaties, appoints the Prime Minister, ministers, and justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution. Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence on the Government by a simple majority. One representative is elected per 6,000 voters. The present parliament contains 81 seats, with a 47-seat majority currently held by the Coalition for a European Montenegro as a result of the 2009 parliamentary election