Suchergebnisse

Раздел "Международные отношения и внешняя политика" ; В статье рассмотрена политика правительства Г. Шрёдера в отношении стран Прибалтики в 1998—2005 гг., включая основные особенности сотрудничества в сфере экономики. Определены позиция Германии по вопросу вступления Литвы, Латвии и Эстонии в ЕС и НАТО, а также ее изменение в начале 2000-х гг. В результате установлено, что политика правительства Г. Шрёдера в значительной мере опиралась на типичный для германской дипломатии на постсоветском пространстве ситуативный подход, который позволяет эффективно реагировать на изменения в регионе с учетом позиций всех международных партнеров. = Schroeder's government policy towards the Baltic countries in 1998—2005 including key features of economic cooperation is considered in this article. The German position regarding the accession of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to the EU and NATO as well as its transformation in the early 2000s are identified. As a result it is determined that Schroeder's government policy was heavily based on a typical German diplomacy situational approach on the Post-soviet space, which allows to respond effectively to the changes in the region, taking into account the positions of all international partners.

Preserving the territorial and state unity was one of the priorities in Kolchak's government policy. That became evident in the actions toward the protectorates ofRussia: Khiva,Bukharaand Tuva (Uryankhay Kray). Such a task was difficult to implement because of complicated external circumstances. Those territories were strategic localities where interests ofGreat Britain,ChinaandMongoliacompeted, and where the spheres of struggle between theSovietStateand the Russian antibolshevist units were present. Kolchak's government strove to keep the protectorship and the preexisting treaty obligations concluded before 1917. The relations withBukharaand Khiva as antibolshevik struggle allies assumed particular significance in the autumn of 1919, when their additional military assistance was demanded. The military mission was sent to Khiva along with the appeal to the chagan of Khiva and the emir ofBukhara. In the missive letters Kolchak determined the objectives of his government: struggle against Bolshevism; restoration of peace and order; the right of theRussianState's peoples to the freedom of self-determination of «their life through establishing Constituent assembly». Concerning Uryankhay Kray, Kolchak's regime tried to find new mechanisms to strengthen its ties with the state domain ofRussia. The elements of the Uryankhs' self-government of were preserved for the purpose of gaining their trust. But the elections of the people's representatives had to be held under the control ofOmskauthorities. The chief lama of Uryankhay Kray, the supporter of the alliance withRussia(but not withChinaandMongolia), had to strengthen his influence on the Uryankhs. The regime made him a substantive figure, independent from Lamaist clergy of other countries. However, all these measures in the situation of the Civil War were not sufficient for providing Russian integrity. The White Guard's strategy to preserve the united and integralRussiawithout guarantees of altering the status of national territories served as an obstacle for the policy implementation. This aggravated public sentiments and lack of support for the maintenance of protectorates as part ofRussia. ; Сохранение территориального и государственного единства было одним из приоритетных направлений в политике колчаковского правительства. Это проявилось в действиях по отношению к протекторатам России, Хиве, Бухаре и Туве (Урянхайскому краю). Подобную задачу было трудно реализовать из-за сложных внешних обстоятельств. Эти территории располагались в стратегически важных регионах, где сталкивались интересы Англии, Китая, Монголии, а также были сферы борьбы между Советским государством и российскими антибольшевистскими образованиями. Колчаковское правительство стремилось сохранить покровительство и прежние договорные отношения, заключенные до1917 г. Связь с Бухарой и Хивой как союзниками в борьбе с большевиками получили особое значение осенью1919 г., когда от них потребовалась дополнительная военная помощь. В Хиву были отправлены военная миссия и обращения к хану Хивинскому и эмиру Бухарскому. В грамотах Колчак определил цели своего правительства: борьба с большевизмом, восстановление мира и спокойствия, право народам Российского государства свободно определить «свою жизнь через посредство Учредительного собрания». В отношении Урянхайского края колчаковская власть попыталась найти новые механизмы укрепления его связей с государственным пространством России. Элементы самоуправления урянхов сохранились для завоевания их доверия, но под контролем омской власти. Усилить воздействие должен был главный лама Урянхайского края, сторонник союза с Россией (но не с Китаем и Монголией). Власть сделала его самостоятельной фигурой, независимой от ламаистского духовенства в других государствах. Все эти меры в условиях Гражданской войны не смогли обеспечить целостность России. Препятствием служили стратегия белогвардейцев по сохранению единой и неделимой России без гарантий изменения статуса национальных территорий и рост борьбы за национальный суверенитет в новых условиях, что проявилось в политических устремлениях протекторатов.

The article analyzes the relationships between Russia (later the Russian Empire) and Central Asia countries, in particular with the Kazakh and Mongolian nations in the period of late XVII-XVIII th centuries. The research shows the features of mutual relationships, the purposes and tasks of the Russian policy in this region, and it also reveals the competition for supremacy there between Russia and China ruled by Qing dynasty. The author considers the advantages and drawbacks of the Russian political course developted by Peter I towards the Kazakh and Monogolians. Besides, the article considers the models of the relations between Russia and Central Asia nations, which enable to assess the results of the pursued foreign police of the country in this region. ; В статье анализируются отношения России, а впоследствии Российской империи со странами Центральной Азии, а именно с казахским и монгольским народами в период конца XVII-XVIII вв. Автор исследует особенности взаимоотношений, цели и задачи российского государства в этом регионе, а также соперничество с цинским Китаем за доминирование над местными территориями. Исследование позволяет выделить основные преимущества и недостатки российской дипломатии и политического курса в отношении казахов и монголов, намеченного еще Петром I, которые позволяют судить о результатах проводимой политики и причинах проигрыша Цинскому Китаю в доминировании над регионом.

The problem of government policy in relation to the Ural defense industry inthe early ХХ century is sufficiently completely described in the historic literature.However, there were no historiographical works devoted to this topic at the time.Consequently the main tasks of the article are the following: giving an analysis ofthe level of knowledge of the problem in total, assessment of different approachesand points of view in scientific works of soviet and post-soviet times, determinationof their historiographical value. Another important task of the work is to show theway the historians assess the role and place of government in the issue of foreignfunds in modernization of defense industry on the example of MotovilikhinskPlants. For this purpose the author gives an analysis of the polemics which rose injournalism and historic literature on the role of foreign firms in modernization ofmilitary plants. In the end of the article the author makes a conclusion that the levelof the Ural defense industry development was significant and most of historiansare joint in this matter and the government policy bore protectionist character inrelation to the Ural defense industry. ; Проблема политики правительства в отношении оборонной промыш-ленности Урала в начале ХХ в. достаточно полно описана в историческойлитературе. Однако историографических работ, посвященных этой теме насегодняшний день не было. Поэтому автор основной задачей данной статьивидит в том, чтобы дать анализ степени изученности проблемы в целом, по-казать оценку разных подходов и точек зрения в научных работах советскогои постсоветского времени, определить их историографическую ценность.Другая немаловажная задача работы, показать на примере мотовилихнскихзаводов, как историки оценивают роль и место правительства в вопросе помо-щи иностранного капитала в модернизации военной промышленности. С этойцелью автор дает анализ полемики, которая развернулась в публицистике иисторической литературе о роли иностранных фирм в модернизации военныхзаводов. В заключении статьи автор делает вывод о том, что уровень развитиявоенной промышленности на Урале был значителен и в этом солидарны боль-шинство историков, а политика правительства носила протекционистскийхарактер по отношению к военной промышленности Урала.

Представлен анализ «национальной политики» Временного правительства. События Февральской революции обострили комплекс проблем, связанных с национальным вопросом в государстве, и привели новое правительство к необходимости разработки и реализации политического курса, отвечающего требованиям времени. Национальная политика Временного правительства опиралась на партийную идеологию кадетов, октябристов, эсеров и представляла собой эклектический подход к решению «национального вопроса». Временное правительство в своих решениях отстаивало идею неделимости России, поэтому уже в первых программных документах отказалось от идеи дезинтеграции империи по национальному принципу, а решение «национального вопроса» видело в предоставлении культурной автономии, развитии языка и этнической самобытности народов национальных окраин. Временное правительство стремилось выработать вариативный подход к национальному вопросу в крупных этнорегионах: Польше, Финляндии, Украине, Средней Азии и Казахстане. Однако рост национализма на окраинах Российского государства, распространение идеи регионализма требовали более кардинальных преобразований. Поэтому курс, выбранный Временным правительством, не нашел поддержки в обществе, а демократических инициатив было недостаточно в сложный межреволюционный период. Уверенность в сохранении неделимой России, инертность системы управления, потеря контроля над национальной ситуацией в государстве обусловили неудачу политического курса Временного правительства в национальной сфере.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-01 ; The article presents an analysis of the "national policy" of the Provisional Government. The events of the February Revolution exacerbated a number of problems associated with the national question in the state, and these events led the new government to necessity to develop and implement policies to meet the requirements of the time. The national policy of the Provisional Government was based on the party ideology of the Cadets, the Octobrists, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, and was an eclectic approach to solve the "national question." The Provisional Government defended the idea of the indivisibility of Russia, so in the very first policy documents abandoned the idea of the empire's disintegration on the national basis, and the solution of the "national question" was seen in the provision of cultural autonomy, the development of language and ethnic identity of the peoples from the national borderlands. The Provisional Government sought to develop the variability approach to the national question in large ethnic regions: Poland, Finland, Ukraine, Central Asia and Kazakhstan. However, the rise of nationalism in the borderlands of the Russian State, the spread of the ideas of regionalism required more fundamental changes. Therefore, the course chosen by the Provisional Government, did not find support in the society, and democratic initiatives were not enough in the time of difficult inter-revolutionary period. The confidence in the preservation of Russia undivided, the inertia of the control system, the loss of control over the national situation in the state led to the failure of the Provisional Government's policy in the national sphere.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-01

The article addresses the issues of the government policy for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The main focus is on the practical aspects of implementation of the government-funded SubProgramme for SMEs development of the Government Programme of the Russian Federation for Economic Development and Innovative Economy. The key goals, tools and results of the SubProgramme are presented. The authors discuss the opportunities provided by the Program, as well as the barriers faced by enterprises striving to develop their innovation capacity with assistance of the Program. The case of a small manufacturing company with high innovation potential is described to highlight the contradictions of the regulatory framework for SMEs support. The procedure of conirmation of SME status has been simpliied. However, some of legal entities, which fall within the deinition of a Small Enterprise provided by the Federal Law On the development of small and medium-size businesses in the Russian Federation, lost the opportunity to conirm their status as a result of these changes. The need to disseminate the government support to a broader category of companies is articulated in the article. The case of a small manufacturing company with high innovation potential is described to highlight the contradictions of the regulatory framework for SMEs support. It is argued that poor business environment and unavailability of inancial sources have the most signiicant negative impact on SMEs performance. Currently applied terms of lending turn to be unacceptable even for the SMEs participating in the government-funded program. It is demonstrated that the government is trying to solve the problem of low market demand for the products of SMEs in ''manual mode'' – by putting pressure on large companies. It is concluded that the main focus of the government should be to set up a favorable economic and legal environment for SMEs development.

The revival of cultural and spiritual life in post-war Germany was an integral part of the policy of democratization which was pursued in the occupational zone by the American military government. The paper considers the main actions of the occupational authorities in the direction of ―re-education‖ of Germans in pro-American democratic traditions: renewal of theater and musical life, cinema, creation of information centers, work with the youth, church policy. As in the political sphere, the American administration aspired the revival of public and cultural life to be mainly a duty of Germans under the American supervision and control. However in general the intervention of military government into the development of cultural life was insignificant. ; Возрождение культурной и духовной жизни в послевоенной Германии являлось неотъемлемой частью политики демократизации, которую проводила в своей оккупационной зоне американская военная администрация. В статье рассматриваются основные мероприятия оккупационных властей в направлении «перевоспитания» немцев в проамериканских демократических традициях: возобновление театральной и музыкальной жизни, кинематографа, создание информационных центров, работа с молодежью, политика в отношении церкви. Как и в политической сфере, американская администрация стремилась к тому, чтобы возрождение общественной и культурной жизни было главным образом обязанностью самих немцев под американским надзором и контролем. Однако в целом вмешательство военной администрации в развитие культурной жизни было незначительным.

Характеризуется источниковая база по истории политики российского правительства в области начального образования во второй половине 1860-х — 1870-е гг. Автор определил основные виды источников (законодательные акты, материалы официального делопроизводства, статистические материалы, публицистика, периодическая печать, эпистолярные материалы, дневники и воспоминания) и проанализировал их. Characterizes the sources on the history of the Russian government policy in the field of the primary education in the second half of the 1860—70's. The author defines and analyses the main types of sources (legislative acts, documents of the official clerical work, statistical materials, journalism, periodicals, epistolary materials, diaries and memoirs).

The article discusses the role and place of the marshal of nobility in the system of county administration and self-government in the post-reform period. The object of the study is the institute of county marshals of nobility in the Belarusian provinces in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. The study deterncines the changes in the government policy of the Russian autocracy related to the noble elections in Belarus after the 1863–1864 uprising. The main functions of County leaders in the sphere of class self-government are revealed. The main directions of activity of local heads of nobility in management of administrative district institutions are shown. The characteristics of the functioning of the institute of county marshals of nobility on the territory of Belarus are given. As a result of analysis of the laws the conclusion is made that the marshal of the nobility took the place of a full head of county, and during the period under review, the trend of expanding the powers of the marshals of nobility, testified to their transformation from in-class bodies in administrative, public bodies.

Introduction. The article presents the results of studying the problem of interaction between science and diplomacy, the analysis of scientific diplomacy in domestic and foreign practice. The purpose of the article is to analyze scientific diplomacy as a phenomenon within the framework of he state's foreign policy and as a form of public diplomacy. Methods. The methodological basis of the study was general scientific methods, such as analysis, synthesis and generalization; empirical level methods: observation, comparison, grouping; special research methods. Results and Discussion. The article sets forth the interpretation of the concept of scientific diplomacy by various authors, reviewed its «classical» areas, conducted a retrospective analysis of scientific diplomacy in Russia. The article highlights and describes the features characteristic of the domestic practice of using scientific diplomacy at the present stage of development. In particular, the author gives the examples of joint projects implementation, carries out an analysis of information on the joint publications of Russian and foreign scientists stimulating international cooperation in science and technology, which is one of the goals of science diplomacy. Conclusion. The author has given recommendations for improving the mechanism for implementing and widely introducing into national practice the basics of scientific diplomacy for the purpose of strengthening international cooperation and the national goals of the state.

The paper reveals the role of Islam in the Arab countries policy, highlights secular and spiritual aspects of Islamic government policy. The principles of Islamic government and the requirements of Sharia to the political practice of the Arab world are demonstrated. ; В статье раскрывается роль ислама в политике арабских стран, освещаются светские и духовные аспекты политики исламистского правления. Показаны принципы исламистского правления, а также требования шариата к политической практике арабского мира.

The author of this article relies on the premise that strategic management is the highest function of any government, with it being implemented by government bodies through a system of government strategic planning, as well as a specific type of administrative activity – developing and executing strategies, as well as national projects and programs. In essence strategies are normatively burdened formalized priorities, goals and tasks associated with the development of Russia and its regions in the long term. These strategies are meant to be an effective means of implementing relevant government policy, to serve as a source of compromise for society and to ensure purposeful action when it comes to a multitude of social subjects cooperating with each other in order to attain the results in mind. You can tell that there is a problem in organizing government strategic management by the fact that we are dealing with a constant increase in territorial disproportions in the socio-economic, socio-cultural development of Russia's cities and regions, as well as the population's indifference towards strategies, federal and regional projects. Among the factors which limit government bodies' capacity to execute plans for social development is a multitude of various systems of social management in place on a regional and municipal level which do not allow for implementing linear correlations when it comes to administration. Furthermore, internal determination is a factor in developing territorially localized communities, which is when the behavior of any given social group is defined not so much by external factors or administrative pressure, but rather by the actual nature of internal relationships, by recollection of past situations, rules of cooperation for social subjects, life plans and life strategies of individuals and social groups. Solving the problem of organizing government strategic planning systems and ensuring control over the course of Russian society's development is linked, in the author's opinion, to revealing those social factors and phenomena which define how appropriate certain innovations are for any given local community, figure out whether the planned results are achievable on a regional level, and to choosing such methods of administrative pressure that the social group in question will be susceptible to. Based on the empirical data, the author of this article argues that there is a connection between the population's attitude towards the system of government strategic management and a region's level of development (according to Nikolai Lapin's classification), while insisting that the differentiation of regions based on their level of modernization is vital information when it comes to differentiating structures and functions of government bodies in regards to strategic planning and choosing regulative mechanisms (from management and handling resources to normative-value and institutional management).

Educational manual contains the basis of the lecture course by discipline "Local government and social work" for students of specialty "Social work", control questions and bibliography to each topic.

The aim of the study is to assess the degree of involvement of various Russian regions in the implementation of governmental projects for university support, which is essential for the balanced development of national higher education system and the spatial development of the country as a whole. The task of effectively using the research and educational potential of universities for the development of particular regions is currently being under realization in many countries, including Russia, which determines the relevance of this study. The analysis is based on the quadrant distribution of national regions in the Federal State Statistics Service Rankings 2018 on regional GDP, the Regional Innovation Development Rankings 2018–2019, issued by the Higher School of Economics. We compared universities located in regions with similar characteristics of their economic development, and assessed the impact of 11 major governmental projects for university support, which have been implemented or continue since 2006. The study is targeted at tracking correlations between the regional distribution of universities supported by these projects, the amounts of funding, and the scales of innovation and economic development of the regions. We conclude that at present, in comparison with previous periods, a more balanced approach is being taken to the selection of universities-participants of such government projects from the point of view of their location in regions with different characteristics. At the same time, the distribution of financial support points to the existing serious gaps between the leading and other universities. ; Целью исследования является оценка степени вовлечения различных российских регионов в реализацию государственных проектов по развитию университетов, что имеет существенное значение для сбалансированного развития российской высшей школы и пространственного развития страны в целом. Задача по эффективному использованию научно-образовательного потенциала университетов в целях развития отдельных ...

The article considers the realization of the Provisional Government policy on the food issue in the Trans-Baikal region. The author introduced the documents describing the organization of food business in 1917 and the activities of food authorities of Trans-Baikal region into the scientific circulation. Coming to authority, the Provisional Government reorganized the food management systems. The provincial, county, district, parish, food committees were created all over the country, and in the Trans-Baikal region, in areas densely populated by the indigenous Buryats, aymachny, hoshunny, somonnyy food committees were established additionally. The main Provisional Government measures to overcome the food crisis were the introduction of the grain monopoly, establishing solid purchase prices for agricultural products, livestock and meat requisition were aimed to establish a direct exchange of goods between town and country. In the Trans-Baikal region, those measures turned out to be ineffective since the region belonged to consumed regions, but under the conditions of grain and herb crop failure in 1917, could not satisfy needs of its own population for food. ; Рассмотрена реализация политики Временного правительства по решению продовольственного вопроса на территории Забайкальской области. Автором введены в научный оборот документы, характеризующие организацию продовольственного дела в 1917 г. и деятельность продовольственных органов в Забайкалье. С приходом к власти Временное правительство реорганизовало систему управления продовольственным делом: в стране повсеместно были созданы губернские, уездные районные волостные продовольственные комитеты, а в Забайкальской области в районах компактного проживания коренного бурятского населения дополнительно аймачные, хошунные, сомонные продовольственные комитеты. Главные мероприятия Временного правительства по преодолению продовольственного кризиса — введение хлебной монополии, установление твердых закупочных цен на сельскохозяйственную продукцию, реквизиция скота и мяса были направлены на налаживание прямого товарообмена между городом и деревней. В Забайкалье данные меры оказались малоэффективны, так как область относилась к потребляющим регионам, а в условиях неурожая хлебов и трав 1917 г. не могла удовлетворить потребности собственного населения в продовольствии.