Suchergebnisse

İbn Haldun'un Mukaddime adlı eseri tarih, tarih felsefesi, sosyoloji, siyaset, yönetim, vd. ilim sahalarının yanı sıra hem iktisada hem de politik iktisada ilişkin de zengin bir muhteva sunmaktadır. İbn Haldun'a göre bir uygarlığın kalkınmasını ve gelişmesini sağlayacak unsurlardan bazıları serbest piyasa ve dışa açık bir uluslararası ticaret yapısı, optimal vergi oranları, istikrarlı ve bağımsız bir para otoritesi, adalet ve mülkiyet haklarının temini, toplumun yenilikçi yapısı, bağımsız düşünmeye dayalı eğitim sistemidir. İbn Haldun'un iktisadi düşüncesinin hareket noktası üretim ve istihdam artışını sağlayacak mekanizmaların devreye konulmasıdır. İbn Haldun, üretimi engelleyen her türlü formel ve informel yapıya, hükümetlerin fiyatlara müdahalesine, monopol bir piyasa yapısının oluşturulma çabalarına şiddetle karşı çıkmaktadır. İbn Haldun, bir devletin kurulması için asabiyet ve mal/para gibi iki unsurun zorunlu olduğunu ifade eder. İbn Haldun'a göre devletin bozulmasına ve çöküşüne neden olan esaslar bu iki unsurun zayıflığından ileri gelir. Yapılan çalışmada, bir diğer kurucusu unsur olan, mal/para konusu ele alınmıştır.

This study examines and compares the foreign policy behavior of Türkiye under the premiership of Bülent Ecevit between 1978-1979 and 1999-2002 via utilization of neo-classical realist theory. The article argues that the permissive strategic environment in both periods, détente in the former and unipolar international system in the latter paved the way for Türkiye's multi-dimensional foreign policy which put special emphasis on neighboring regions. The worldviews of Ecevit and his foreign ministers Gündüz Ökçün and İsmail Cem as well as the emergence of grave economic problems in the country also contributed to the consolidation of region-centric foreign policy streak in both periods. Yet, while the arrival of the Second Cold War in December 1979 following the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan interrupted Türkiye's multi-dimensional foreign policy stance for a while, the increasing trend towards multi-polarity starting from mid-2000s facilitated Türkiye's pursuit of more autonomous foreign policy line.

The geopolitical interests of Great Britain in Azerbaijan, as well as the policy of the Caucasus in general, are considered an integral part of the historical Eastern question. It is an undeniable fact that historically every great power has used various pretexts and factors to maintain its own imperialist policy. These factors can be observed in the geopolitical interests of the great powers in current events in the world. XX. at the beginning of the XIX century, Armenians were one of the main factors in the pursuit of Britain's geopolitical interests both in the Ottoman geography and in the South Caucasus. The priority of the UK was to decipher which nation among the various ethnic and religious groups in the Caucasus could seriously resist the Turks. They did not trust the Azerbaijani Turks, who sympathized with the Ottomans because they were Turks. In turn, the Azerbaijani Turks were very worried about the British assistance to the Armenians. This aid was even used by the Armenians to annoy the Azerbaijanis. These actions of the Armenians have created public opinion that the British government is pursuing an openly anti-Islamic policy. In this study, information is discussed that the UK plays a key role in the emergence of the Armenian problem and its transnational problems, including its expansionism, and uses Armenians as the main tool in its geopolitical interests in the South Caucasus.

The attempt and competition of the Industrial Revolution to find new markets brought the Danube River and its hinterland into the world capitalist system. Danube governments such as Serbia, Wallachia, and Moldavia followed a balanced policy between Ottoman-Austria and Russia in the 18th and 19th centuries. However, following the Crimean War, the region has become an area of economic, political, and military competition between France and England. After the Crimean War, the liberalization of commercial shipping on the Danube and its branches to all nations made these waters attractive to Western shipping navigation companies. The big Powers like Austria, Russia, France, and Great Britain initiated competition and risks which deeply affected the region. The research setup is on a new technology entering the region and the French capital investments and competition spreaded fort he first time through this technology. In this context this study attempts to explore the rivalries of French merchants and investors to expand in the Danube River and its hinterland. It especially deals with the steamship management attempts of the ambitious and adventurous naval officer Captain Michel André François Bonerin Magnan (Aubagne 1819-Paris 1866).

The aim of this study is to scrutinize the diplomatic relations between Turkiye and Sudan post the era of Omar al-Bashir. Historical relations between the Republic of Turkiye, established in 1923 as the successor to the Ottoman Empire, and Sudan have had a positive impact in contemporary times across political, economic, socio-cultural, and security domains. While the relations during the Republican era were relatively limited when Sudan gained independence from Britain, they saw a significant improvement with the administration of Omar al-Bashir and Hasan al-Turabi, who came to power in 1989. Following Turkiye's declaration of "Africa Year" in 2005, Sudan emerged as a prominent country in Ankara's Sub-Saharan Africa policy. Particularly, the African Opening Action Plan initiated in 1998 and the deepening of policies by AK Party governments strengthened relations with Sudan. However, following the overthrow of Omar al-Bashir in 2019, transitional periods and political crises in Sudan have adversely affected Turkiye – Sudan relations. This study will address these relations during this period, initially focusing on political, economic, security, and socio-cultural parameters. Subsequently, the study will examine the causes of the crisis in Sudan and the trajectory of the relations. Findings from the post-Bashir era indicate that despite challenges, the relations between the two countries have endured. Nevertheless, the escalation of internal disputes in Sudan into conflicts casts uncertainty on the future of these relations.