In the early days of Xi Jinping's rule, Sino-Australian cooperation was successful and benefiting both sides. Establishing a "strategic partnership" and the conclusion of a free trade agreement made it possible to deepen the relationship. In addition to developing economic relations, states actively collaborated on the social and cultural levels. China's growing power has brought new challenges. The increase in spending on armaments and the modernization of the army contributed to the increased military presence of the PRC in the region and the exacerbation of disputes in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, raising tensions in the region. The growing influence of the People's Republic of China in Australia has caused concern for the government, which has started to limit it. Beijing has been critical of Australian law to reduce foreign interference. The purpose of this study is to analyze the Sino-Australian relations in 2013-2018.
Studies presented in this publication were aimed at provide data necessary for the conducting of local government and citizenship dimension of the enlarged Polish foreign policy in Podlaskie region. The main objective was to investigate the diagnosis, as the local government units, non-governmental organizations, businesses and universities alluded cross-border cooperation with partners in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia (Kaliningrad). The publication indicated areas of the greatest potential, as well as barriers to such cooperation in the region. Particular attention was paid to the cooperation of these entities, combining their potentials and create joint projects.
After Scottish Devolution referendum in 1997, Parliament of United Kingdom passed the Scotland Act 1998, creating the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Executive. Changes in United Kingdom structure created situation similar to federal countries, where national and regional governments need to cooperate and coordinate their activities. Intergovernmental relations in the UK are mostly relations between executives, with limited role of parliaments. This paper analyzes intergovernmental relations in two periods – before 2007, when formal institutions like Joint Ministerial Committee were rarely used and after 2007, when Scottish Executive and UK Government were led by different political parties – Scottish National Party on the regional level and Labour Party on the national level. The aim of the article was to describe intergovernmental relations throughout 1999–2010 years, explain asymmetry, informality and inconsistency of this relations and prognose future relations in the context of Calman's Commission works.
The Diet of Galicia and Lodomeria had no legally binding means to influence the activity of the government. Despite the unsuccessful attempt to strengthen its position relative to the government administration, the Diet used its available powers to affect the administrative actions of the government. The results of these interpellations were varied. In cases where the local interests and those of the Vienna government were divergent, the Diet was not able to persuade the government to alter its policy, as demonstrated by the futile efforts to convince the government to take a more liberal position on the matter of the Polish refugees. However, in cases where the national interest and the political plans of the central government could be reconciled, the actions of the Diet were more effective. The central government cooperated with the autonomous Galician institutions on matters like education or military service. ; Galicyjski Sejm Krajowy nie miał efektywnych środków prawnych, dzięki którym mógłby wiążąco wpływać na działania namiestnictwa. Próba wzmocnienia stanowiska wobec administracji rządowej zakończyła się niepowodzeniem. Nie znaczy to jednak, że Sejm nie starał się wykorzystywać przysługujących mu uprawnień do wywierania wpływu na czynności administracyjne namiestnictwa. Interpelacje i wezwania kierowane do namiestnika były mniej lub bardziej skuteczne. W sprawach, w których interesy kraju i władz centralnych wyraźnie się rozmijały, Sejm nie mógł liczyć na zmianę w postępowaniu namiestnictwa. Dowodzą tego między innymi wysiłki Sejmu w celu skłonienia administracji rządowej do prowadzenia bardziej liberalnej polityki wobec polskich uchodźców. Tam, gdzie interesy kraju dawały się pogodzić z polityką rządu, oddziaływanie Sejmu na namiestnictwo przynosiło lepsze efekty. Pokazuje to po części współdziałanie organów autonomicznych i rządowych Galicji w takich sprawach, jak szkolnictwo czy służba wojskowa.
The article discusses the issue of relations between non-governmental organizations and representatives of local self-government units (LGUs). The theoretical part presents selected new concepts of territorial self-government management and the project Model of Cooperation which sets out the framework for cooperation between representatives of the social and public sectors. The aim of the article was to present the relationship between representatives of non-governmental organizations and representatives of local authorities in selected communes in the Mazovian voivodeship. The first part of the analysis presents the actual state of cross-sectoral cooperation (based on own research carried out in 2016–2017, on a sample of 9 respondents, using semi-structured interviews techniques). In the thesis there is also discussed the issue of knowledge acquired by the stakeholders of the principles contained in the publication of the Model of Cooperation. The final part presents the barriers that stand in the way of this cooperation. ; W artykule poruszono kwestię relacji organizacji pozarządowych i przedstawicieli jednostek samorządów lokalnych (JST). W części teoretycznej zaprezentowano wybrane nowe koncepcje zarządzania samorządami terytorialnymi oraz założenia projektu pt. Model współpracy, w którym określono ramy współpracy między przedstawicielami sektora społecznego i publicznego. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, jak wyglądają relacje pomiędzy przedstawicielami organizacji pozarządowych i przedstawicielami władz lokalnych w wybranych gminach wiejskich województwa mazowieckiego. W pierwszej jego części (na podstawie badań własnych zrealizowanych w latach 2016–2017, na próbie 9 respondentów, za pomocą techniki wywiadu częściowo ustrukturyzowanego) przedstawiono faktyczny stan współpracy międzysektorowej. Omówione zostało także zagadnienie znajomości przez zainteresowane podmioty zasad Modelu Współpracy. W końcowej części zaprezentowano bariery stojące na drodze tej współpracy.
The aim of this article is the presentation and the attempt to analyse such phenomena as: an excessive general government deficit and public debt in EU Member States over the past 3 years. For the European Union the years 2008-2010 were the time when public finances of most member countries worsened dramatically. The average budget deficit in the EU increased during that period to a value of almost 7% compared to gross domestic product and public debt reached almost 80% of GDP. Referring the numbers to the principles of the budgetary policy in the Treaty on the European Union (the deficit should not exceed 3% in relation to GDP and public debt – 60% of GDP), the observance of budgetary discipline has been significantly violated. In consequence, the excessive deficit procedure has been initiated. in relation to almost all the countries of the EU, Its purpose was to force the member countries to take concrete actions to stabilize public finances. The economic crisis that began in the second half of 2007 in the United States of America which resulted in a significant deterioration of the finances of all the EU member countries might be regarded as the major source of violation of their budgetary discipline. The reactions of most governments TO the harmful effects caused by the financial crisis were to stimulate national economies and stem the decline of domestic demand. The higher level of public expenditures was simultaneously the cause of increased budget deficits,. To develop and present the problem of an excessive budget deficit and public debt in the EU countries some statistical methods were used and the data source statistics were mainly carried out by the European Commission and the European Statistical Office. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prezentacja i próba analizy zjawisk: nadmiernego deficytu budżetowego i długu publicznego w krajach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej na przestrzeni ostatnich 3 lat. Lata 2008-2010 były dla Unii Europejskiej czasem, w którym stan finansów publicznych większości krajów członkowskich pogorszył się w sposób drastyczny. Średnia deficytu budżetowego w UE wzrosła w tym okresie do wartości prawie 7% w stosunku do wielkości produktu krajowego brutto, a zadłużenie publiczne osiągnęło poziom niemalże 80% PKB. Odnosząc te wielkości do założeń polityki budżetowej zapisanych w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej (wartość deficytu nie powinna przekraczać 3% w stosunku do PKB, a zadłużenia publicznego 60% PKB), poszanowanie dyscypliny budżetowej zostało w sposób znaczący złamane. W następstwie, w stosunku do prawie wszystkich państw należących do UE, została wszczęta na szczeblu UE procedura nadmiernego deficytu. Jej celem było wymuszenie na krajach członkowskich podjęcia konkretnych działań zmierzających do ustabilizowania stanu finansów publicznych. Kryzys gospodarczy, który narodził się w drugiej połowie 2007 roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki i skutkował znaczącym pogorszeniem stanu finansów wszystkich krajów członkowskich Wspólnot Europejskich można uznać za główne źródło złamania przez nie dyscypliny budżetowej. Reakcje większości rządów na niekorzystne zjawiska finansowe wywołane kryzysem miały na celu próbę pobudzenia gospodarek narodowych oraz zahamowania spadku popytu krajowego. Zwiększony poziom wydatków publicznych przyczynił się jednak równocześnie do wzrostu poziomu deficytów budżetowych. W celu opracowania i zaprezentowania problemu nadmiernego poziomu deficytu budżetowego oraz długu publicznego w państwach UE zostały zastosowane wybrane metody statystyczne, a źródłem danych były przede wszystkim statystyki prowadzone przez Komisję Europejską oraz Europejski Urząd Statystyczny.
The aim of this article is the presentation and the attempt to analyse such phenomena as: an excessive general government deficit and public debt in EU Member States over the past 3 years. For the European Union the years 2008-2010 were the time when public finances of most member countries worsened dramatically. The average budget deficit in the EU increased during that period to a value of almost 7% compared to gross domestic product and public debt reached almost 80% of GDP. Referring the numbers to the principles of the budgetary policy in the Treaty on the European Union (the deficit should not exceed 3% in relation to GDP and public debt – 60% of GDP), the observance of budgetary discipline has been significantly violated. In consequence, the excessive deficit procedure has been initiated. in relation to almost all the countries of the EU, Its purpose was to force the member countries to take concrete actions to stabilize public finances. The economic crisis that began in the second half of 2007 in the United States of America which resulted in a significant deterioration of the finances of all the EU member countries might be regarded as the major source of violation of their budgetary discipline. The reactions of most governments TO the harmful effects caused by the financial crisis were to stimulate national economies and stem the decline of domestic demand. The higher level of public expenditures was simultaneously the cause of increased budget deficits,. To develop and present the problem of an excessive budget deficit and public debt in the EU countries some statistical methods were used and the data source statistics were mainly carried out by the European Commission and the European Statistical Office. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prezentacja i próba analizy zjawisk: nadmiernego deficytu budżetowego i długu publicznego w krajach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej na przestrzeni ostatnich 3 lat. Lata 2008-2010 były dla Unii Europejskiej czasem, w którym stan finansów publicznych większości krajów członkowskich pogorszył się w sposób drastyczny. Średnia deficytu budżetowego w UE wzrosła w tym okresie do wartości prawie 7% w stosunku do wielkości produktu krajowego brutto, a zadłużenie publiczne osiągnęło poziom niemalże 80% PKB. Odnosząc te wielkości do założeń polityki budżetowej zapisanych w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej (wartość deficytu nie powinna przekraczać 3% w stosunku do PKB, a zadłużenia publicznego 60% PKB), poszanowanie dyscypliny budżetowej zostało w sposób znaczący złamane. W następstwie, w stosunku do prawie wszystkich państw należących do UE, została wszczęta na szczeblu UE procedura nadmiernego deficytu. Jej celem było wymuszenie na krajach członkowskich podjęcia konkretnych działań zmierzających do ustabilizowania stanu finansów publicznych. Kryzys gospodarczy, który narodził się w drugiej połowie 2007 roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki i skutkował znaczącym pogorszeniem stanu finansów wszystkich krajów członkowskich Wspólnot Europejskich można uznać za główne źródło złamania przez nie dyscypliny budżetowej. Reakcje większości rządów na niekorzystne zjawiska finansowe wywołane kryzysem miały na celu próbę pobudzenia gospodarek narodowych oraz zahamowania spadku popytu krajowego. Zwiększony poziom wydatków publicznych przyczynił się jednak równocześnie do wzrostu poziomu deficytów budżetowych. W celu opracowania i zaprezentowania problemu nadmiernego poziomu deficytu budżetowego oraz długu publicznego w państwach UE zostały zastosowane wybrane metody statystyczne, a źródłem danych były przede wszystkim statystyki prowadzone przez Komisję Europejską oraz Europejski Urząd Statystyczny.
Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion has been continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of local government. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with the status of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economic self-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequential structural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be the major obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalise the excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area of public institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government and local authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffused economic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be the creation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into the system of public authorities.
This article comprises a sketch of the most important perspectives on local government. Among other things, it also aims to present the unique nature of government at the mezzo-social level. Here the concepts of political governing are considered as a social relationship and social resource; proposed, too, is the application of the category of the social field in the analysis of local government. Such social fields are characterized by both relations and resources associated with power when viewed from the standpoint of actions and structures. A separate aspect making itself known in the field of political power is its manifestations and influences.
Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU's foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine– EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year.
The aim of this paper is to present the theoretical basis of public diplomacy and the characteristics of methods and areas of cross-border cooperation conducted by local governments in Podlaskie Voivodship. Report, in particular, draws attention to the civic and local government dimension of Polish foreign policy. Undertaken analysis was targeted to recognition of existing practices in this area, as well as to identify conclusions and recommendations for further development of decentralized foreign policy. This report first discusses the basic theoretical concepts related to citizenship and local government cross-border cooperation. Attention was drawn to priorities of Polish decentralized foreign policy and sectoral diversification of cross-border cooperation actors in the Podlaskie Voivodship. Next the existing and planned cross-border cooperation initiatives present in the public programs and strategies of local governments and districts were discussed. Later in the report an attempt to summarize the areas and methods of cooperation were undertaken as well as some main conclusions and recommendations were pointed out.
Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion hasbeen continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of localgovernment. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with thestatus of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the tiesbetween entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economicself-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequentialstructural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be themajor obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalisethe excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area ofpublic institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government andlocal authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffusedeconomic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be thecreation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into thesystem of public authorities. ; W Polsce od początku przemian ustrojowych trwa bezowocna dyskusja dotycząca miejsca samorządu gospodarczego w systemie władzy lokalnej. Obecnie obowiązujące regulacje prawne nie zapewniają izbom gospodarczym pozycji związków publicznoprawnych. Opierają się one na fakultatywnym charakterze więzi łączących przedsiębiorców, co jest główną przyczyną słabego rozwoju rodzimego samorządu gospodarczego, a właściwie quasi samorządu gospodarczego. Wynikająca z tego słabość strukturalna i programowa organizacji przedsiębiorców wydaje się być główną przeszkodą na drodze do stworzenia efektywnego systemu zarządzania lokalnego, który mógłby zniwelować zbyt asymetryczne obecnie relacje pomiędzy samorządem terytorialnym i reprezentacją przedsiębiorców. Bez wątpienia brak tego typu struktur w sferze instytucji publicznych jest głównym powodem ich marginalizowania przez władze rządowe i samorządowe, które nie widzą potrzeby czynienia jakichkolwiek koncesji na rzecz rozproszonego środowiska gospodarczego. W tym kontekście najbardziej racjonalnym rozwiązaniem wydaje się być utworzeniepowszechnego samorządu gospodarczego, który zostanie włączony do systemu władzpublicznych.
This paper presents the significance of the issues related to the activity of territorial self-government for the social and economic development of Ukraine. The efficient operation of self-government in any country is unfeasible without financial resources. Polish experience in the development of territorial self-government is particularly valuable in relation to the reform of Ukraine's self-government. The paper outlines the differences in the structure and operation of territorial self-government in both countries. The paper is concluded with numerous observations on the direction of selected reforms of Ukrainian self-government. It shows the weaknesses of local self-government in Ukraine, which result from the lack of decentralization of finance and the small amount of state-collected taxes. The conclusions end with the observation that a consistent development of the Ukrainian state is required for Poland to develop well.
The discussion of the role of self-government in Poland's political structure has been closely linked to the Polish people's aspirations and desire for freedom, democracy and a state in which sovereignty is indeed in the hands of its people. These aspirations, so strongly expressed during the general election of June 1989, have since the very beginning included demands for self-government. What it meant for the state and its political system, was the implementation of the idea embodied in the name Solidarity which, as a trade union, was also to be independent and self-governing. It was also the realisation of the demand for a 'Samorządna Rzeczpospolita' (a Self-governing Republic), one of the fundamental principles of the Solidarity movement put forward at its First National Congress, which I had the honour of chairing in 1981.In March 1990, only a few months after its election on 4 June 1989, the Polish parliament adopted a law that restored the institution of local self-government at the level of communes and municipalities (gmina). Thus, 25 years ago, the road to political transformation in Poland was opened, allowing the building of a Polish state understood as the political community of all its citizens – a real Res Publica.The predominating belief which accompanied us in this process was that the indispensable prerequisite to shaping democracy was to give back the state to its citizens, thus releasing dormant social energy and the entrepreneurial spirit of the people. After all democracy means not only the possibility of the democratically electing the political representatives (the authorities) but equally the chance for citizens to feel involved and take the responsibility for public affairs.Therefore the first democratic government, headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, began the process of restoring the state to its citizens from the most important starting point. It started with the rebuilding of communal and municipal self-governing structures and the recreating of the intellectual foundations for the formation of the new constitution of a citizens-centred state.This was possible mainly because a vision of reform had already been conceived and had been long developing in the minds of a number of distinguished persons. This project of self-government reform constituted an original example of engagement of Polish intellectuals in state affairs and their taking responsibility for the common good.The reform also turned out to be one of the most effective methods of de-communisation of Polish public life. This could be best seen in the results of the first election to self-governing structures in 1990, and the role which the Solidarity citizens' committees played in it. It was indeed the same people, the co-founders and members of the Solidarity movement, who have successfully carried out the restoration of self-government in Poland.'We marched for power to return it to the people' was the motto of the Polish government in 1997, a government which I had the honour of heading for the subsequent four years, and which articulated the goals and the sense of political and social transformation of those times. We called it a Four Reform Programme, and its objective was a fundamental transformation of public life in Poland. On the one hand we intended to create favourable conditions for the development of the public civic space, while on the other we strove to activate and make more dynamic the processes of economic, political and cultural development in the country.We believed that acceleration of this development and modernisation was contingent upon active participation of self-government structures. Hence the creation of strong self-government had gradually become our conscious choice and an urgent 'civilising task.' This task was grounded equally in the need to manage properly our recently regained independence, and in the need to make efficient use of the pre-accession period preceding Poland's membership of the European Union, which was then imminent.Thus the administrative reform undertaken by my government in 1999 introduced districts (powiat) as self-governing level of administration, allowing it, in conjunction with communes and municipalities (gmina), to take effective control of matters directly affecting local communities and their citizens. The self-governing structures formed at the level of strong voivodships, or regions, allowed at the same time to decentralise responsibility for regional economic development, competitiveness and modernisation strategies.Today, after over 10 years of EU membership, it is worth reflecting on the impact the political reforms which we carried through then have had on Poland's functioning in the system of European integration. We were proven right in our conviction that decentralisation and differentiation of various state functions would allow for a better and more effective use and management of EU funds.The three-tier self-government structure created solid foundations helping to satisfy better the aspirations of citizens, local communities and regions with regard to their modernisation and development. Today it is those local self-governing units, those closest to citizens, those most familiar with and with the best understanding of their needs, which are responsible for the drafting of regional development projects and the management of funds available for those projects. Self-government structures have become the real centres for formulating and implementing development strategies.This is the context in which the key challenge facing self-government is set, namely the fostering of entrepreneurship, ensuring proper conditions for innovation and mobilising citizens to engage in economic and social initiatives. The role of self-government in shaping of the state's development policy is not limited to dividing available means and resources. Much more important is its ability to effectively multiply the available means, to support partnership ventures, including public-private projects, to form strong business to business relationships as well as partner relations between research centres and local administrative bodies, or promote and support innovations and civic initiatives serving the common good. After all, all these are key factors for the long-term stability and development of our communities and our country, which is today the key measure of the responsibility for public matters, so deeply rooted in the idea of self-government.The self-government reform originated from the ideas developed in the 1980s of the twentieth century as part of the Solidarity movement, but was implemented in an already independent Poland, when laying the foundations for a transformation of the state and the democratisation of the citizen-state relationship. It also had, however, and maybe predominantly, a deep idealistic dimension, so easy to forget when we focus on the current and most urgent challenges of the present.In my opinion, it is in self-governance, as well as in the political and administrative culture, that opportunities for building our freedom lie: freedom, the sense of which we feel best if given a chance to share in the responsibility for it. In times of independence this means the possibility of personal engagement public issues based on the pro publico bono principle: issues pertaining to our family life, our local community, or the whole country.Today, in the context of our shared responsibility for the European Union, such an understanding of self-governance should also inspire us to seek new directions of development, and to participate in the shaping of Europe-wide standards of public life. In the same way as 25 years ago in Poland we founded a political community on the basis of self-governance, we should today look at self-governance as a chance to create a true political community of all European citizens.
