Tania Murray Li est anthropologue, professeur titulaire de la chaire d'économie politique et de culture asiatique et pacifique à l'Université de Toronto. C'est une chercheuse de terrain, ayant passé beaucoup de temps en Indonésie. Son observation de chercheur engagé auprès de différents villages lui a donné l'occasion de voir la mise en ½uvre de plusieurs cycles de politiques de développement n'ayant pas eu les effets escomptés.
Tania Murray Li est anthropologue, professeur titulaire de la chaire d'économie politique et de culture asiatique et pacifique à l'Université de Toronto. C'est une chercheuse de terrain, ayant passé beaucoup de temps en Indonésie. Son observation de chercheur engagé auprès de différents villages lui a donné l'occasion de voir la mise en ½uvre de plusieurs cycles de politiques de développement n'ayant pas eu les effets escomptés.
Tania Murray Li est anthropologue, professeur titulaire de la chaire d'économie politique et de culture asiatique et pacifique à l'Université de Toronto. C'est une chercheuse de terrain, ayant passé beaucoup de temps en Indonésie. Son observation de chercheur engagé auprès de différents villages lui a donné l'occasion de voir la mise en ½uvre de plusieurs cycles de politiques de développement n'ayant pas eu les effets escomptés.
As in most of developed countries, French public hospitals are facing several challenges: shortage of medical resources, development of new care practices, as well as recurrent reforms introducing new financing or governance rules. The fragmented organization of the hospital network, which is made up of nearly a thousand public institutions, makes it difficult to implement a large-scale transformation that would meet these multiple constraints.In such a context, the latest healthcare law (2016) now requires all public hospitals in France to join a Territorial Hospital Group (THG). THGs come after a series of instruments that aimed at reorganizing the territorial hospital organisation, with mixed results up to now. This new reform has aroused many questions regarding its objectives and implementation conditions. Indeed, it contrasts with the strong state-control trend that had prevailed so far, by giving local actors a large amount of autonomy.The thesis is based on the analysis of this reform through a multiple case study. The main ambition of this work is to question the inclusion of the THG law in a new public action paradigm.Despite its apparently relatively vague objectives, I show that this reform is a real break in public action, as it aims at initiating local exploration dynamics around new territorial organizations. This approach corresponds to a new governmentality regime, providing actors with specific objects of government, such as care pathways, capable of triggering collective learning through the creation of exploration partnerships. However, due to remaining inconsistencies in the government's action, the trajectories of these THGs appear to be very heterogeneous. Therefore, I suggest several recommendations for the management of these exploration dynamics, as well as for consistent public action engineering, in order to carry out such new orientations. ; Comme dans la plupart des pays développés, l'hôpital public français fait face à de nombreux défis : démographie médicale défavorable, évolution ...
As in most of developed countries, French public hospitals are facing several challenges: shortage of medical resources, development of new care practices, as well as recurrent reforms introducing new financing or governance rules. The fragmented organization of the hospital network, which is made up of nearly a thousand public institutions, makes it difficult to implement a large-scale transformation that would meet these multiple constraints.In such a context, the latest healthcare law (2016) now requires all public hospitals in France to join a Territorial Hospital Group (THG). THGs come after a series of instruments that aimed at reorganizing the territorial hospital organisation, with mixed results up to now. This new reform has aroused many questions regarding its objectives and implementation conditions. Indeed, it contrasts with the strong state-control trend that had prevailed so far, by giving local actors a large amount of autonomy.The thesis is based on the analysis of this reform through a multiple case study. The main ambition of this work is to question the inclusion of the THG law in a new public action paradigm.Despite its apparently relatively vague objectives, I show that this reform is a real break in public action, as it aims at initiating local exploration dynamics around new territorial organizations. This approach corresponds to a new governmentality regime, providing actors with specific objects of government, such as care pathways, capable of triggering collective learning through the creation of exploration partnerships. However, due to remaining inconsistencies in the government's action, the trajectories of these THGs appear to be very heterogeneous. Therefore, I suggest several recommendations for the management of these exploration dynamics, as well as for consistent public action engineering, in order to carry out such new orientations. ; Comme dans la plupart des pays développés, l'hôpital public français fait face à de nombreux défis : démographie médicale défavorable, évolution des modes de prise en charge des patients, accumulation de réformes introduisant de nouvelles règles de financement ou de gouvernance, etc. L'organisation encore très éclatée du maillage hospitalier, qui compte près d'un millier d'établissements publics, rend difficile une transformation d'ampleur qui réponde à ces multiples contraintes.Dans ce contexte, la loi de modernisation de notre système de Santé de 2016 impose désormais à tous les hôpitaux publics de France d'adhérer à un Groupement Hospitalier de Territoire (GHT). Le GHT s'inscrit à la suite de nombreux instruments d'action publique visant à réorganiser le paysage hospitalier, mais dont les effets ont été souvent modestes. De multiples interrogations entourent cette nouvelle réforme, aussi bien à propos de ses finalités que de ses conditions de mise en œuvre. En effet, elle tranche avec le mouvement de reprise en main par l'Etat qui prévalait jusqu'à présent, en laissant une large autonomie aux acteurs de terrain dans son application.La thèse repose sur l'analyse de cette mesure, à travers l'étude de trois cas de construction de GHT. La principale ambition de notre travail est de s'interroger sur l'inscription de la réforme des GHT dans un nouveau paradigme de l'action publique.Nous montrons que malgré ses objectifs en apparence relativement vagues, cette réforme marque une véritable rupture dans l'action de l'Etat, visant à amorcer des dynamiques locales d'exploration de nouvelles modalités d'orga-nisation territoriale de l'offre de soins. Cette approche correspond à un nouveau régime de gouvernementalité, qui offre aux acteurs des objets de gouvernement, comme les parcours des patients, capables d'enclencher des apprentis-sages collectifs à travers la mise en place de partenariats d'exploration. Toutefois, en raison de plusieurs incohérences persistant dans l'action de l'Etat, les trajectoires de ces GHT s'annoncent hétérogène. Nous formulons donc quelques préconisations pour le management de ces dynamiques exploratoires, ainsi que pour une ingénierie de l'action publique plus cohérente, afin de mener à bien ces nouvelles orientations.
Le travail d'insertion socio-professionnelle montre un mode d'exercice caractéristique de la gouvernementalité néolibérale et contemporaine. Le cas d'un dispositif d'insertion par le maraîchage biologique en Belgique, étudié dans ce texte, vise par sa forme une « production du corps régulateur » combinant concrètement les enjeux de régulation de l'économie et de contrôle de l'individu. Ainsi, loin d'être un simple effet illusoire d'une idéologie, son lieu d'opération constitue un lieu central de légitimation de l'action du « social » inscrit dans une politique de l'État social actif. Suite à une mise en évidence d'éléments de cadrage discursif et normatif de l'action, nous examinerons des effets de ce cadrage à partir de la forme d'engagement des opérateurs dans leur espace d'activités concret. Le régime d'action compassionnel de ces travailleurs, combiné à celui civique, se trouve au coeur de l'épreuve politique et pratique de cette nouvelle gouvernementalité. ; The work of socioprofessionnel inclusion shows a characteristic mode of exercise of neoliberal and contemporary governmentality. The case of a device of social inclusion through organic gardening in Belgium aims in his form "production of regulatory body" which combines concretely the stakes of economic regulation and control of the individual. Far from being a simple illusionary effect of an ideology, that place of operation constitute a central place of legitimation of this social action inscribed in a policy of the social active state. After showing some elements of discursive and normative framing of the action, we will examine the effects of this framing from the form of commitment of the operators in their concrete space of activities. The compassionate regime of action of these workers, combined to civic one, is in the center of the political and practical test of this new governmentality. ; Peer reviewed
This thesis consists in a Senegalese State analysis in its works and its governmentality process deployed in Casamance. Through the combat against malaria as an ethnographic field of investigation, this work analyses the fabrication of the State legitimacy in a region where it is challenged. It's about the investigation into the relations between the political apparatus (ideological and coercive), the government collaborators and communities through the State works. The structural adjustment of the 80's which has led to the decentralization and the community apparatus setting up, contributed to deteriorate the State's image for the people. A crisis of the legitimacy of the State rooted in a social conflict, exacerbated this deterioration in a Casamance context. This conflict appeared because the people felt that the State was a looter and was unable to provide for their well-being. Today, the imaginary of a State which has "given up" the region still goes on when Casamance still knows a weakened conflict. Consequently, how does the State build its legitimacy when it mainly reveals itself to the Casamances through its violent prerogatives? How does it appear by its benevolent forms allowing to legitimate its presence when its coercive apparatus are so obvious (military control and legitimate police)? Thus, this thesis questions, through an analysis of the deployment of the bio-powerand through the setting up of the policies to combat malaria, the fabrication of the State in Casamance. This research constitutes in this way a political anthropology. ; Cette thèse consiste en une analyse de l'État sénégalais en actes et de ses processus de gouvernementalité tels que ceux-ci sont déployés en Casamance. Au travers de la lutte contre le paludisme, comme objet ethnographique, ce travail mène une analyse de la fabrique de la légitimité étatique dans une région où celle-ci est remise en question. Il s'agit, au travers des actes d'État, d'interroger les relations entre les appareils d'État (idéologiques et coercitifs), les ...
This thesis consists in a Senegalese State analysis in its works and its governmentality process deployed in Casamance. Through the combat against malaria as an ethnographic field of investigation, this work analyses the fabrication of the State legitimacy in a region where it is challenged. It's about the investigation into the relations between the political apparatus (ideological and coercive), the government collaborators and communities through the State works. The structural adjustment of the 80's which has led to the decentralization and the community apparatus setting up, contributed to deteriorate the State's image for the people. A crisis of the legitimacy of the State rooted in a social conflict, exacerbated this deterioration in a Casamance context. This conflict appeared because the people felt that the State was a looter and was unable to provide for their well-being. Today, the imaginary of a State which has "given up" the region still goes on when Casamance still knows a weakened conflict. Consequently, how does the State build its legitimacy when it mainly reveals itself to the Casamances through its violent prerogatives? How does it appear by its benevolent forms allowing to legitimate its presence when its coercive apparatus are so obvious (military control and legitimate police)? Thus, this thesis questions, through an analysis of the deployment of the bio-powerand through the setting up of the policies to combat malaria, the fabrication of the State in Casamance. This research constitutes in this way a political anthropology. ; Cette thèse consiste en une analyse de l'État sénégalais en actes et de ses processus de gouvernementalité tels que ceux-ci sont déployés en Casamance. Au travers de la lutte contre le paludisme, comme objet ethnographique, ce travail mène une analyse de la fabrique de la légitimité étatique dans une région où celle-ci est remise en question. Il s'agit, au travers des actes d'État, d'interroger les relations entre les appareils d'État (idéologiques et coercitifs), les ...
In 1985, middle and high public schools become organizations as professional bureaucracies where teachers have a strong autonomy that none control from principals is possible.In 2001, the Constitutional Bylaw on Budget Acts (LOLF) embodies the era for the French state of New Public Management (NPM) and management packages. The public schools have been impacted since 2006 by such packages (objectives contracts, budgets, projects) in order to increase the means of control of principals, who must become middle managers.We analyse this evolution through the concept of governmentality created by Michel Foucault as the government by rationality. This rationality can be political, professional or managerial. This concept is used to understand how the State mobilize both managers and accounting to feed agents in working standards that make easier to endorse objectives. When these standards and values are internalizing by state civils servants, the state does not need to use coercive mechanisms to practice control over its device. Governmentality involves then subtill conducts mixing accounting knowledge and middle managers stimulating confidence and convincing rather than coercing. We mobilize the managerial governmentality theory (Pezet, 2004, Petitet, 2005, Pezet A. et E., 2007, Le Texier, 2011) that we adapted for the public sector mainly through performance indicators in use by principals. Our theory is operationalized through proposals we test by a double approach: The Partial Least Squares method and a principal components analysis.Our results show that principals interviewed use performance indicators in order to lead teachers to report more as they are themselves led to report to their hierarchy. The use of indicators by principals conveys a subtill control-mix guiding teachers' behaviours towards more accountability. Without any possible supervision of the teachers' work, they lean on indicators in order to lead teachers to internalize control within the packages. The pressure principals face from their ...
In 1985, middle and high public schools become organizations as professional bureaucracies where teachers have a strong autonomy that none control from principals is possible.In 2001, the Constitutional Bylaw on Budget Acts (LOLF) embodies the era for the French state of New Public Management (NPM) and management packages. The public schools have been impacted since 2006 by such packages (objectives contracts, budgets, projects) in order to increase the means of control of principals, who must become middle managers.We analyse this evolution through the concept of governmentality created by Michel Foucault as the government by rationality. This rationality can be political, professional or managerial. This concept is used to understand how the State mobilize both managers and accounting to feed agents in working standards that make easier to endorse objectives. When these standards and values are internalizing by state civils servants, the state does not need to use coercive mechanisms to practice control over its device. Governmentality involves then subtill conducts mixing accounting knowledge and middle managers stimulating confidence and convincing rather than coercing. We mobilize the managerial governmentality theory (Pezet, 2004, Petitet, 2005, Pezet A. et E., 2007, Le Texier, 2011) that we adapted for the public sector mainly through performance indicators in use by principals. Our theory is operationalized through proposals we test by a double approach: The Partial Least Squares method and a principal components analysis.Our results show that principals interviewed use performance indicators in order to lead teachers to report more as they are themselves led to report to their hierarchy. The use of indicators by principals conveys a subtill control-mix guiding teachers' behaviours towards more accountability. Without any possible supervision of the teachers' work, they lean on indicators in order to lead teachers to internalize control within the packages. The pressure principals face from their ...
In 1985, middle and high public schools become organizations as professional bureaucracies where teachers have a strong autonomy that none control from principals is possible.In 2001, the Constitutional Bylaw on Budget Acts (LOLF) embodies the era for the French state of New Public Management (NPM) and management packages. The public schools have been impacted since 2006 by such packages (objectives contracts, budgets, projects) in order to increase the means of control of principals, who must become middle managers.We analyse this evolution through the concept of governmentality created by Michel Foucault as the government by rationality. This rationality can be political, professional or managerial. This concept is used to understand how the State mobilize both managers and accounting to feed agents in working standards that make easier to endorse objectives. When these standards and values are internalizing by state civils servants, the state does not need to use coercive mechanisms to practice control over its device. Governmentality involves then subtill conducts mixing accounting knowledge and middle managers stimulating confidence and convincing rather than coercing. We mobilize the managerial governmentality theory (Pezet, 2004, Petitet, 2005, Pezet A. et E., 2007, Le Texier, 2011) that we adapted for the public sector mainly through performance indicators in use by principals. Our theory is operationalized through proposals we test by a double approach: The Partial Least Squares method and a principal components analysis.Our results show that principals interviewed use performance indicators in order to lead teachers to report more as they are themselves led to report to their hierarchy. The use of indicators by principals conveys a subtill control-mix guiding teachers' behaviours towards more accountability. Without any possible supervision of the teachers' work, they lean on indicators in order to lead teachers to internalize control within the packages. The pressure principals face from their hierarchy is translated into learning they spread toward teachers. ; En 1985, chaque lycée ou collège devient un établissement public local d'enseignement (EPLE), entité de droit public dotée de la personnalité morale. Du point de vue des chercheurs en sciences de gestion, ces EPLE constituent des bureaucraties professionnelles dans lesquelles les enseignants jouissent d'une autonomie telle que cette dernière fait obstacle au contrôle de leur travail par les chefs d'établissement. En 2001, la loi organique portant sur les lois de finances (LOLF) marque l'entrée de l'État dans le New Public Management (NMP) et les dispositifs de gestion. Ces derniers (contrats d'objectifs, budgets, projets d'établissement) irriguent désormais les EPLE à partir de 2006 afin de permettre d'accroître les moyens de contrôle des chefs d'établissement qui doivent se muer en managers de proximité. Pour comprendre cette évolution et la mise en œuvre du contrôle, nous mobilisons le concept de gouvernementalité. Ce néologisme créé par Michel Foucault peut se définir comme le gouvernement par la rationalité. Cette rationalité peut être politique, professionnelle ou managériale. L'objectif de la création de ce concept est de montrer quels savoirs comptables et relais l'État mobilise pour inculquer certaines normes de travail de façon à conduire les agents à accepter des objectifs. Quand ces normes et valeurs sont alors intériorisées par les agents de l'État, ce dernier n'a alors plus besoin d'utiliser mécanismes de coercition pour exercer un contrôle sur son appareil. La gouvernementalité implique donc des procédés subtils qui passent par le savoir comptable et les managers de proximité, pour susciter la confiance des agents et convaincre plutôt que contraindre.Pour comprendre ce phénomène, nous avons recours la théorie de la gouvernementalité managériale (Pezet, 2004, Petitet, 2005, Pezet A. et E., 2007, Le Texier, 2011) adaptée – au secteur public – à travers les indicateurs de performance en usage par les chefs d'établissement. Nous opérationnalisons notre théorie par des corps de propositions que nous testons par une double approche univariée et multivariée.Nos résultats montrent que les chefs d'établissement font usage des indicateurs dans le sens d'un subtil control-mix orientant les comportements vers davantage de reddition de compte. Privés d'une supervision directe du travail enseignant, ils s'appuient sur les indicateurs pour amener les enseignants à intérioriser un contrôle dans le cadre d'un assemblage de dispositifs de gestion. La dimension contraignante des indicateurs à laquelle les chefs d'établissement sont soumis de la part de la tutelle est alors liée à la dimension habilitante qu'ils diffusent auprès des enseignants qui s'y assujettissent.
The thesis is made of two parts and analyzes at first the trajectory of the notion of "governmentality" in Michel Foucault's courses at the Collège de France between 1976 and 1984 to develop a new analytical framework of political conflict through the reciprocal relationships between state practices and counter-conducts. Secondly, it puts this theoretical framework to the test of a series of empirical data to draw a genealogy of the State in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries from the viewpoint of an ethnology of truth telling within social practices. On variable areas, times and populations, it identifies four different regimes of veridiction/jurisdiction for governmental practices logically articulated some in the others by successive and reciprocal relationships: 1/ the social liberal regime of the res socialis in France from the 1890 to 1960s; 2/ the regime of the res nullius for the action committees in France in the 1968s ; 3/ the neoliberal regime of the res economica at the global scale since the 1970s; 4/ the regime of the res communis for the Coordinadora del agua and bolivian water committees in the 2000s. Each of these regimes involves a different experiment of the State in terms of degree and spaces of governmentality, of effects of state policies on the level of social inequalities between classes or on the degree of democratization of public life. It is thus to a historically differentiated evaluation of the State that invites the foucaultian method of analyzing the veridictions to which are indexed the governmental practices. ; La thèse, composée de deux grands ensembles, explicite d'abord la trajectoire de la notion de « gouvernementalité » dans les cours de Michel Foucault au Collège de France de 1976 et 1984 afin d'établir un nouveau cadre théorique d'analyse du conflit politique à partir de l'étude des rapports de réciprocité entre les pratiques étatiques et les contre-conduites. Dans un deuxième temps, elle met ce cadre théorique à l'épreuve d'ensembles empiriques afin de tracer une ...
The thesis is made of two parts and analyzes at first the trajectory of the notion of "governmentality" in Michel Foucault's courses at the Collège de France between 1976 and 1984 to develop a new analytical framework of political conflict through the reciprocal relationships between state practices and counter-conducts. Secondly, it puts this theoretical framework to the test of a series of empirical data to draw a genealogy of the State in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries from the viewpoint of an ethnology of truth telling within social practices. On variable areas, times and populations, it identifies four different regimes of veridiction/jurisdiction for governmental practices logically articulated some in the others by successive and reciprocal relationships: 1/ the social liberal regime of the res socialis in France from the 1890 to 1960s; 2/ the regime of the res nullius for the action committees in France in the 1968s ; 3/ the neoliberal regime of the res economica at the global scale since the 1970s; 4/ the regime of the res communis for the Coordinadora del agua and bolivian water committees in the 2000s. Each of these regimes involves a different experiment of the State in terms of degree and spaces of governmentality, of effects of state policies on the level of social inequalities between classes or on the degree of democratization of public life. It is thus to a historically differentiated evaluation of the State that invites the foucaultian method of analyzing the veridictions to which are indexed the governmental practices. ; La thèse, composée de deux grands ensembles, explicite d'abord la trajectoire de la notion de « gouvernementalité » dans les cours de Michel Foucault au Collège de France de 1976 et 1984 afin d'établir un nouveau cadre théorique d'analyse du conflit politique à partir de l'étude des rapports de réciprocité entre les pratiques étatiques et les contre-conduites. Dans un deuxième temps, elle met ce cadre théorique à l'épreuve d'ensembles empiriques afin de tracer une ...