Suchergebnisse

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Mega urban transport projects (MUTPs) are increasingly being used in urban environments to ameliorate the problem of congestion. However, a number of problems with regard to mega projects have been identified. In particular the seemingly institutionalised over estimation of economic benefits and persistent cost over runs, could mean that the wrong projects are selected, and that the projects that are selected cost more than they should. Studies to date have produced a number of solutions to these problems, perhaps most notably, the various methods for the inclusion of the private sector in project provision. However the problems have shown significant intractability in the face of these solutions. This paper provides a detailed examination of some of the problems facing mega projects and then examines Foucault-s theory of 'governmentality' as a possible frame of analysis which might shed light on the intractability of the problems that have been identified, through an identification of the art of government in which MUTPs occur.

Foucault's work on biopolitics and governmentality has inspired a wide variety of responses, ranging from philosophy and political science to history, legal studies, and urban planning. Drawing on historical sources from antiquity to twentieth century liberalism, Foucault presented us with analyses of freedom, individuality, and power that cut right to the heart of these matters in the present.

This paper illustrates the relevance of Foucault's analysis of neoliberal governance for a critical understanding of recent transformations in individual and social life in the United States, particularly in terms of how the realms of the public and the private and the personal and the political are understood and practiced. The central aim of neoliberal governmentality ("the conduct of conduct") is the strategic creation of social conditions that encourage and necessitate the production of Homo economicus, a historically specific form of subjectivity constituted as a free and autonomous "atom" of self-interest. The neoliberal subject is an individual who is morally responsible for navigating the social realm using rational choice and cost-benefit calculations grounded on market-based principles to the exclusion of all other ethical values and social interests. While the more traditional forms of domination and exploitation characteristic of sovereign and disciplinary forms of power remain evident in our "globalized" world, the effects of subjectification produced at the level of everyday life through the neoliberal "conduct of conduct" recommend that we recognize and invent new forms of critique and ethical subjectivation that constitute resistance to its specific dangers.

The article investigates the consequences for feminist politics of the neoliberal turn. Feminist scholars have analysed the political changes in the situation of women that have been brought about by neoliberalism, but their assessments of neoliberalism's consequences for feminist theory and politics vary. Feminist thinkers such as Hester Eisenstein and Sylvia Walby have argued that feminism must now return its focus to socialist politics and foreground economic questions of redistribution in order to combat the hegemony of neoliberalism. Some have further identified post-structuralism and its dominance in feminist scholarship as being responsible for the debilitating move away from socialist or Marxist paradigms. I share their diagnosis to the extent that it is my contention that the rapid neoliberalization characterising the last thirty years has put women and feminist thought in a completely new political situation. However, in contrast to those feminist thinkers who put the blame for the current impasse on the rise of poststructuralist modes of thought, it is my contention that the poststructuralist turn in feminist theory in the 1980s and 1990s continues to represent an important theoretical advance. I will discuss Foucault's genealogy of neoliberalism in order to assess the ways it can contribute to feminist theory and politics today. I contend that Foucault can provide a critical diagnostic framework for feminist theory as well as for prompting new feminist political responses to the spread and dominance of neoliberalism. I will also return to Nancy Fraser and Judith's Butler's seminal debate on feminist politics in the journal Social Text (1997) in order to demonstrate that a critical analysis of the economic/cultural distinction must be central when we consider feminist forms of resistance to neoliberalism.

This inquiry analyzes human rights as a systemic phenomenon. One of the central arguments of this inquiry is that it is not possible to consider human rights claims in abstraction from the question of institutional structures, processes of subjectification, the provision of collective goods, and the normative ideas concerning what it means to be a human. The empirical focus of the discussion is European human rights law.

The technocratic dimension of government—its reliance upon knowledge claims, usually in scientific guise—is of great importance if we wish to understand modern power and governance. In Power Without Knowledge: A Critique of Technocracy, Jeffrey Friedman investigates the often-overlooked question of the relationship between technocratic knowledge/power and ideas. Friedman's contribution to our understanding of technocracy can therefore be read as a contribution to governmentality studies, one that introduces the possibility of adding normative solutions to this critical tradition.

Today, the environment is everywhere. For less than ten years, it goes without saying that all individuals, the population and the State are obliged to minimize their impact on the environment, even if they would not be affected themselves by potential consequences. For almost every action, concern for its environmental impact is present. That obligation manifests itself in a myriad of ways that affect individual behavior - what Foucault identifies as power. This paper seeks to understand how, through which forms and technologies, we are subject to power in the name of climate protection in Germany. Or, if turned on its head, it analyses how the climate is governed in Germany. ; 3

Marine spatial planning (MSP) is advanced by its champions as an impartial and rational process that can address complex management issues. We argue that MSP is not innately rational and that it problematises marine issues in specific ways, often reflecting hegemonic agendas. The illusion of impartial rationality in MSP is derived from governmentalities that appear progressive but serve elite interests. By understanding the creation of governmentalities, we can design more equitable planning processes. We conceptualise governmentalities as consisting of problematisations, rationalities and governance technologies, and assess England's first marine plans to understand how specific governmentalities de-radicalise MSP. We find that progressive framings of MSP outcomes, such as enhanced well-being, are deployed by the government to garner early support for MSP. These elements, however, become regressively problematised in later planning phases, where they are framed by the government as being difficult to achieve and are pushed into future iterations of the process. Eviscerating progressive elements from the planning process clears the way for the government to focus on implementing a neoliberal form of MSP. Efforts to foster radical MSP must pay attention to the emergence of governmentalities, how they travel through time/space and be cognisant of where difference can be inserted into planning processes. Achieving progressive MSP will require the creation of a political frontier early in the process, which cannot be passed until pathways for progressive socio-environmental outcomes have been established; advocacy for disenfranchised groups; broadening MSP evaluations to account for unintended impacts; and the monitoring of progressive objectives.

Foucault's concept of pastoral power is envisioned as a technique of power developed from the medieval period and carried through into modern political rationalities. As such, it is an old power technique – which originated in Christian institutions – in a new political shape, which he coined governmentality. This article uses Foucault's genealogy of pastoral power and governmentality to discuss the intersection of domination and technology of self in the Greenlandic colonial context and to bring out the central role of religion in Foucault's conceptualisation of governmentality.

This essay explores a series of sovereign 'machines' – slaves, puppets, automata – in political theory from Benjamin to Agamben. It is now well-documented that the philosophical question of 'the machine' – of whether a complex system requires a human operator or whether it can function autonomously – is also a crucial political question that haunts every discussion of sovereignty from Hobbes onwards. However, my wager in what follows is that this machine is not just a metaphor for a metaphysical situation – whether it be rationality (Hobbes), bureaucratization (Weber), neutralization (Schmitt), historicism (Benjamin) or governmentality (Foucault) – but a material phenomenon that carries transformative political promise and threat. To summarize the argument of this essay, I contend that 'sovereign machines' like slavery (Aristotle, Hegel, Kojève, Agamben), puppets, automata or clockwork (Descartes, Hobbes, Schmitt, Benjamin, Derrida), lens, optics and mirrors (Hobbes, Kantorowicz, Benjamin, Lacan, Foucault) and so on do not merely reflect but change our understanding of the causal relationship between sovereignty and governmentality, decision and norm, exception and rule. If the self-appointed task of the modern political theorist has so often been to obtain or regain sovereignty of, or over, the machine – to jam its gears – I seek to expose what the later Derrida calls the 'machine' of sovereignty itself. In conclusion, I argue that political theory's attempt to reveal or retroactively invent the sovereign person at the heart of the machine only ends up revealing the sovereign machine at the heart of the person. What – if anything – is really inside the machine of sovereignty?

Foucault introduced the concept "governmentality" to refer to the conduct of conduct, and the technologies that govern individuals. While he adopted the concept after his shift from archaeological to genealogical studies, commentators argue his work on governmentality and that of his followers appears to remain entangled with structuralist themes more redolent of his archaeologies. This paper thus offers a type of conceptual clarification. The paper provides a resolutely genealogical approach to govermentality that: echoes Foucault on genealogy, power/knowledge, and technologies of power; suggests ways of resolving problems in Foucault's work; introduces concepts that are clearly historicist, not structuralist; and opens new areas of empirical research.

In this text, my objective is to present and to problematize some of the possible connections between neoliberal governmentality and education, within the framework of links between displacements, overlap emphasis transformations, subsitutions, contituities and ruptures which can be observed in educational practices and policies. I also seek to sketch out a summary of publications in Brazil which deal with these connections. The first section of this text consists in a broad discussion about the concept of governmentality. In the second section, I tackle Michel Foucault's conceptions of liberalism and neoliberalism. In the third section, I discuss some ways in which Foucault's thinking in the political field resonates with the transformations currently being experienced by the contemporary world. In the fourth and final section, I make three comments of an educational nature about these transformations and connections. ; En este texto, mi objetivo es mostrar y problematizar algunas de las posibles articulaciones entre gubernamentalidad neoliberal y educación, en el marco del conjunto de desplazamientos,transformaciones de énfasis superposiciones, substituciones, continuidades y rupturas que se puede observar en las prácticas y en las políticas educativas, como también trazar un panorama sucinto de las publicaciones que en Brasil tratan de aquellas articulaciones.En la primera sección haré una discusión panorámica acerca del concepto de gubernamentalidad. En la segunda sección abordaré las concepciones de Michel Foucault sobre el liberalismo y el neoliberalismo. En la tercera parte, discutirá algunas resonancia entre el pensamiento de Foucault, en el campo de la política, y las transformaciones por las que pasa el mundo contemporáneo. En la cuarta y última sección, haré tres comentarios de orden educacional en la perspectiva de esas resonancias y transformaciones.

This study evaluates the role of two state regulatory regimes in shaping journalism education at a public university in Ghana. Focusing on the mandates of the National Council for Tertiary Education (NCTE) and the National Accreditation Board (NAB), the work demonstrates how these institutions monitor, evaluate and shape the curriculum of the undergraduate program in communication studies at the University of Cape Coast. Based on Foucault's concept of governmentality, the paper shows that the journalism program designed by both faculty and state regulatory regimes for the University of Cape Coast, as in many other universities in sub-Saharan Africa, is still primarily focused on media-centric, developmentalist and instrumentalist approaches, and pays little attention to critical theory and transcultural aesthetics. The fusion of these theoretical perspectives into the communication education curriculum is crucial for empowering students to unmask practices that perpetuate social inequality, dominance, power asymmetry and hegemony in society in order to transform it in positive ways.

In this text, my objective is to present and to problematize some of the possible connections between neoliberal governmentality and education, within the framework of links between displacements, overlap emphasis transformations,subsitutions, contituities and ruptures which can be observed in educational practices and policies. I also seek to sketch out a summary of publications in Brazil which deal with these connections. The first section of this text consists in a broad discussion about the concept of governmentality. In the second section, I tackle Michel Foucault's conceptions ofliberalism and neoliberalism. In the third section, I discuss some ways in which Foucault's thinking in the political field resonates with the transformations currently being experienced by the contemporary world. In the fourth and final section, I make three comments of an educational nature about these transformations and connections ; Durante la década pasada se publicaron los cursos que Michel Foucault dictara en el Còllege de France. Un efecto inusitado de ello fue la renovación de las principales herramientas usadas por el filósofo para explicar y comprender una muy amplia variedad de problemas en el campo de las ciencias sociales y humanas. En el caso particular del campo de la educación y la pedagogía, las elaboraciones foucaultianas alrededor del poder y, en particular, del dispositivo disciplinario, se habían instalado de forma tal que tuvieron una incidencia significativa en las comprensiones sobre la escuela, el maestro y la pedagogía. A través de un número considerable de estudios realizados siguiendo las elaboraciones de Vigilar y castigar y las múltiples entrevistas de la década de los setenta, varios investigadores del campo denunciaron la fuerte presencia de mecanismos de poder en la institución escolar y en la práctica pedagógica y, por tanto (no siempre fieles a las propias interpretaciones de Foucault), su carácter disciplinario, autoritario y tradicional. En muchas de esas denuncias se percibía claramente el tránsito desde un vocabulario crítico (propio de diferentes tendencias marxistas en donde la escuela era vista como un aparato ideológico del Estado y la pedagogía como una disciplina de la ideología dominante) hacia unas teorizaciones que, buscando distanciarse del reproductivismo, emprendieron una exhaustiva búsqueda de mecanismos de poder (particularmente disciplinarios) en la arquitectura escolar, en las relaciones maestro estudiante, Estado/escuela, maestro/saberes, en las prácticas de formación de profesores, en los distintos escenarios educativos extraescolares, etc.