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The regular occurrence of election-related violence between ethnic or religious communities has generated a burgeoning literature on 'the dark side' of democracy. This literature provides convincing accounts of how political competition incentivizes politicians to foment violence. Yet such elite-oriented approaches are less convincing in explaining why and how political elites succeed in mobilizing people who do not share their concern for electoral benefits. This article addresses this challenge by relating the capacity of politicians to foment violence to the everyday functioning of patronage networks. Using ethnographic fieldwork to compare violent and nonviolent areas during Hindu–Muslim violence in Gujarat (2002) and Christian–Muslim violence in North Maluku (1999–2000), I find that the informal networks through which citizens gain access to state benefits ('patronage networks') shape patterns of election-related violence between religious communities. Politicians succeeded in fomenting violence in areas where citizens depended strongly on ethnicized patronage networks, while violence was averted in areas where state–citizen interaction was organized through networks that bridge religious divides. Interpreting this finding, I argue that patronage networks generate both infrastructure and incentives to organize violence. They provide the infrastructure for violence because their everyday functioning generates interdependencies between politicians and local followers that facilitate the instigation and organization of violence. Patronage networks also generate incentives for violence because when prevailing patronage networks bridge social divides, politicians relying on these networks have an interest in preventing communal violence. When socio-economic changes cause patronage networks to become organized along religious divides, as occurred in the violent areas in Gujarat and North Maluku, divisive political discourse is more likely to resonate and political actors are more likely to benefit electorally from communal violence. In this manner this article provides a novel explanation for both subnational variation in patterns of violence and the hardening of social divisions.

"India has two key social formations, the castes and the tribes. Both groups can be studied from the perspective of society (samaj) and culture (sanskriti). However, studies on castes largely deal with social structure and less on culture, while studies on tribes focus more on culture than on social structure. What has resulted from this bias is a general misunderstanding that tribes have a rich culture, but lack social structure. This volume emerges out of an in-depth empirical study of the social structure of five Scheduled Tribes (STs) in Gujarat, Western India, viz., Gamit, Vasava, Chaudhari, Kukana, and Warli. It analyses and compares their internal social organization consisting of institutions of household, family, lineage, clan, kinship rules and marriage networks. The book also deals with changes taking place in the social structure of contemporary tribal societies. While the focus is mainly on the data from tribes of Western India, the issues are relevant to pan Indian tribes. An important contribution to the studies on tribes of India, this book will be of great interest to students and researchers of anthropology, sociology, demography, history, tribal studies, social work, public policy, and law. It will also be of interest to professionals working with NGOs and civil society, programme and policy formulating authorities, and bureaucrats"--

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Charts -- List of Figures -- List of Annexures -- List of Abbreviations -- Preface -- 1 Laying the Conundrum -- 1.1 The Conundrum -- 1.2 Critique of Plans -- 1.2.1 Overall Criticism -- 1.2.2 Quality and Implementation Failures -- 1.2.3 Examples of City-Level Failures -- 1.2.4 Lack of Participation -- 1.2.5 Plans Creating Exclusions -- 1.3 About the Book -- 1.4 Going Ahead -- 2 Global Critique of Urban Planning -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The Urban Utopias and Anti-Urbanisms -- 2.3 To Modernism of Rationality and Systems -- 2.4 Critique of Rational and Comprehensive Planning -- 2.5 People-Centric Planning - Deepening of Democracy -- 2.5.1 Advocacy, Collaborative, and Communicative Planning -- 2.5.2 Radical Planning -- 2.5.3 New Urbanism -- 2.5.4 Just City -- 2.5.5 Insurgent or Subversive Planning -- 2.6 The Market Approach -- 2.7 From Socialism to Land Markets -- 2.8 Conclusion -- 3 The Contemporary Urban Planning Landscape -- 3.1 Antecedents -- 3.2 The National-Level Efforts -- 3.3 Overview - State Urban Planning Legislation, Plans, and Processes -- 3.3.1 Perspective Plan -- 3.3.2 Regional Plan and Sub-Regional Plan -- 3.3.3 Development Plan/Master Plan -- 3.3.4 Sub-City Plans - Zonal Plan, Town Planning Schemes, Local Area Plan, Sector Plan -- 3.3.5 Plan Stages and Contents -- 3.4 Examples of Varied Vertical Plans of a City -- 3.4.1 Mumbai, Maharashtra -- 3.4.2 Delhi, National Capital Territory -- 3.4.3 Ahmedabad, Gujarat -- 3.4.4 Jaipur -- 3.4.5 Bengaluru, Karnataka -- 3.5 One-Size-Fits-All Approach? -- 4 From Idea to Practice -- 4.1 Locating the Chapter -- 4.2 Anti-Urban and Social Democracy in Plans -- 4.2.1 Public Health Focus -- 4.2.2 3Ds - Decentralisation, Decongestion, and Deindustrialisation -- 4.2.3 Expanded Welfare and Global Agendas.

This article examines the history of the arrival of Islam into Indonesia. This research is library research using documentation method. The results of this study are: First, no one knows for sure when Islam began to appear in Indonesia. Several theorists and historians have different opinions and analyzes. However, there are at least four major theories regarding the entry of Islam into Indonesia, namely: Arabic theory, Gujarat theory (India), Bengali theory (Fatimi), and Persian theory. Second, the spread and process of Islamization in Indonesia itself was carried out peacefully. Indonesian people can accept the existence of Islam well. There are six channels of Islamization in Indonesia, namely: trade, marriage, Sufism, education, arts and culture, and politics. Third, the existence of Islamic kingdoms also had a big role in the spread and development of Islam in Indonesia. These Islamic kingdoms stretched from Sumatra to the Moluccas. Some of them are the Perlak Sultanate, Samudera Pasai Sultanate, Malacca Sultanate, Aceh Sultanate, Demak Sultanate, Pajang Sultanate, Mataram Sultanate, Cirebon Sultanate, Banten Sultanate, Sultanate of Ternate, Sultanate of Tidore, Sultanate of Gowa, Sultanate of Tallo, Sultanate of Pasir, Sultanate of Banjar, Kotawaringin Sultanate, Pagatan Sultanate, Sambas Sultanate, Kutai Kertanegara Sultanate, Berau Sultanate, Sambaliung Sultanate, Gunung Tabur Sultanate, Pontianak Sultanate, Tidung Sultanate, and Bulungan Sultanate. ; Artikel ini mengkaji tentang sejarah masuknya Islam ke Indonesia. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kepustakaan dengan menggunakan metode dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, tidak ada yang tahu pasti kapan Islam mulai muncul di Indonesia. Beberapa ahli teori dan sejarawan memiliki pendapat dan analisis yang berbeda. Namun, setidaknya ada empat teori besar mengenai masuknya Islam ke Indonesia, yaitu: teori Arab, teori Gujarat (India), teori Bengali (Fatimi), dan teori Persia. Kedua, penyebaran dan proses Islamisasi di Indonesia sendiri ...

Introduction : a cultural history of famine / Ayesha Mukherjee -- Famine and food security in early modern England : popular agency and the politics of dearth / John Walter -- Subsistence crises and economic history : a study of eighteenth century Bengal / Rajat Datta -- Climate signals, environment, and livelihoods in the long seventeenth century in India / Vinita Damodaran, James Hamilton, and Rob Allan -- Famine chorography : Peter Mundy and the Gujarat famine, 1630-32 / Ayesha Mukherjee -- Rivers, inundations, and grain scarcity in early colonial Bengal / Ujjayan Bhattacharya -- Chaotic interruptions in the economy : droughts, hurricanes and monsoons in Harriet Martineau's illustrations of political economy / Lesa Scholl -- Poorhouses and gratuitous famine relief in colonial North India / Sanjay Sharma -- Farming tales : narratives of farming and food security in mid-twentieth century Britain / Michael Winter -- The economy of hunger : representing the Bengal famine of 1943 / Amlan Das Gupta -- Are we performing dearth or is dearth performing us, in modern productions of William Shakespeare's Coriolanus? / Julie Hudson.

Examines the issue of development-related involuntary migration using the case of the Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP), an interstate dam project on India's Narmada River. The SSP has been opposed by environmentalists, social activists, & scientists for a variety of reasons, including technical infeasibility & the mass displacement of hundreds of thousands of people, many from tribal villages. The specific populations affected & the resettlement plans in each of the three states involved (Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh) are described. This discussion points to the minimal need for a uniform & legally binding resettlement & compensation policy that covers all affected persons. The wisdom of viewing such development projects as the solution to economic problems is questioned. Such projects favor international corporations & elites, ignore principles of socially sustainable development, & have human costs. 1 Table, 1 Map, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Introduction: Globalization, Economic Reform and Social Welfare in India and China -- Part I: Society and Welfare in India and China – A Comparison -- Traditions, Values and Religion: Social Welfare in India and China -- Chinese Discipline and National Pride as a Case Study for Neighbouring Countries -- Paradigm Shift in Social Work Practices in India and China- Lessons for Emerging Economies -- Land-use behavior of farming households and rural land degradation in a karst area of China -- Part II: Child Welfare in India and China -- A CRITICAL REVIEW OF SCHOOL SOCIAL WORK IN HONG KONG -- From Care Deficit to Overbearing Care: Child Care Provision Growing Gap in China -- 'Bereaved single-child families' (shidu jiating): Dealing with an unintended consequence of China's one-child policy -- Part III: Elderly Care in India and China – Emerging Concerns -- Comparing Emerging Social Issues and Implementation of Social Policy Changes for Aged People in India and China -- Disability, Social Welfare Policy and Elderly in India and China -- Social status and subjective wellbeing of tribal elderly: A Narrative discourse -- Part IV: Poverty in Numbers – Where India and China Stands -- Social exclusion of female Dibao recipients in urban China -- Welfare communication and poverty eradication in India, China -- Exploring Gender Segregated educational effects on income inequality, India: A Time Series Analysis -- Drought and Farmer Suicides in Marathwada: A Natural or Man-made Disaster -- Part V: Social Problems in India and China- A comparison -- Social Policies and Institutional Arrangements for Minorities and Special Categories in India: An Overview and the Way Forward -- Higher Education in India: Trends and Challenges -- UNHCR's populations of concern: Where does India stand? -- HIV Medication Access Between China and India on the Policy Level -- Gender and Socio-Cultural Policy Issues in Objects of Display: A Case Study of Gujarat Science City in India -- Safety and Welfare for Women in Need: A Study on the Short Stay Homes in Paravai Madurai Tamil Nadu -- International Adoption from China & India 1992-2018 -- From Peasants to Social Assistance Recipients? Semi-forced Urbanization in China -- Social Welfare and Inclusive Education for Children with Disability towards Social Inclusion: Dalit Children Experience -- Conclusion: Neoliberalism, Growing disparity and Social Welfare in India and China.

An open letter to the Prime Minister of India & Chief Ministers of relevant states from the Steering Committee of the International Critical Geography Group (ICGG), written during the Fifth International Conference on 3-7 December 2007, expresses deep concern about the state supported/sponsored repression & violence that has occurred in many parts of India, including Nandigram, Kalinganar, & Orissa. The ICGG condemns the violent repression of movements demanding fundamental human rights & the state-sanctioned displacements of poor people. Adapted from the source document.

The COVID-19 pandemic is deepening the divide between people on the safe side of the social order and those at risk. The former are not only better equipped to protect their immunity, but can also count on support and care if they become infected. In a civilization haunted by the purity–pollution syndrome, the virus amplifies the stigma of impurity in which substantial segments of the population are forced to work and live. Social distancing fits well with a customary code of segregation. The transition to an informalized economy should be seen in the context of India's ingrained social inequality resulting in widespread pauperism. In the havoc the pandemic created, politics and governance have further distorted the already highly skewed balance between capital and labour. An overview of the impact of the pandemic on the workforce kept adrift should also allow for the regional diversity that exists. Underlying my appraisal is the anthropological research I have carried out in the state of Gujarat, a major destination for footloose labour from other parts of the country. Since circular migrants are not allowed to settle down and set up home where they have gone to, they are bound to return to their place of origin after shorter or longer bouts of casual employment without effective legal protection and social security. They are kept floating because both capital and government want it that way.

This study is an ethnographic enquiry into the pre-school Supplementary Nutrition Programme (SNP), in India's western Gujarat state. The broad objective was aimed at understanding the institutional barriers and sociological process that had led to the exclusion of families and children under the age of six from the SNP. This study was undertaken because despite enthusiastic State investment in human resources and food funding, the uptake of SNP was poor. The study method involved multi-sited ethnographies conducted in four rural villages of Gujarat. The research concluded that caste and religious identities shaped dominance and control, restriction of social interactions, and food commensality. The authors situate these compelling findings within the broader discourse of food as a process of 'othering,' and stigmatised identities as they relate to consumption of 'polluting' food, the symbolic role of food when coupled with caste, and association of religion with food. Observations of SNP delivery sites suggest that spatial and moral dimension of societal caste conflicts directly influence local 'biologies' by reproducing and amplifying such tensions in the Anganwadi health centres. Crucial symbolic and cultural markers of food, nutrition, distribution, and consumption are rendered invisible to official health providers resulting in failure of the SNP programme. Current research on global health advocating 'scaling up of models' is an ethical violation if it glosses local ecologies that shape poor uptake of SNP by the affected communities.

AbstractThis article introduces a new dataset on wages in northern India (from Gujarat in the west to Bengal in the east) from the 1590s to the 1870s. It follows Allen's subsistence basket methodology to compute internationally comparable real wages to shed light on developments in Indian living standards over time. It adjusts the comparative cost‐of‐living indices to take into account differences in climate and caloric intake due to variances in heights. The article also discusses the male/female wage gap in northern India. It demonstrates that the 'great divergence' started in the late seventeenth century, and widened further after the 1720s and especially after the 1800s. It was subsequently primarily England's spurt and India's stagnation in the first half of the nineteenth century that brought about most serious differences in the standard of living. If the British colonial state is to blame—as often suggested by the literature on India's persistent poverty—the fault lies in its failure to improve the situation after the British became near‐undisputed masters of India in 1820.