Suchergebnisse

The relationship between South African President Jacob Zuma and his family, and the Guptas, possibly the richest family of Indian origin at present in South Africa, has made persistent national and increasingly international headlines in the media over the past few years. The Gupta family, who arrived in South Africa from India just prior to the country's first non-racial democratic elec-tions in 1994, are accused of colluding with Zuma in the removal and appoint-ment of government ministers, as well as the directors of State-Owned Enter-prises (SOEs) in order to secure lucrative state contracts. This article examines the allegedly corrupt relationship between the Zumas and the Guptas to probe key issues in post-apartheid South African society: corruption, state capture, inequality, class formation, Black Economic Empowerment, and White Mono-poly Capital. It argues that corruption has negative consequences such as creat-ing despondency amongst the populace leading to capital flight and creating the possibilities for state capture as well as further deepening inequality.

The Gupta Empire (fourth–fifth centuries ad) succeeded in subjugating a series of local forest chiefs and tribal territories. The Allahabad prashasti not only enumerates the conquests of the Gupta king Samudragupta, but also lays out the hierarchy of the kings equal in status and such as were subordinate to him, in his eyes. The political integration of dispersed political elements under the Guptas was linked with the changing contours of the Gupta authority in central India, on the one hand, and the process of transition from pre-state to state-society, on the other. This process is studied here mainly on the basis of epigraphic evidence.

Gupta Empire ruled over the greater part of north India from the fourth to the beginning of the sixth centuries CE. They were the first Indian royals to issue an extensive regular currency mainly in gold. These gold coins generally bear on the obverse the full figure of the issuing emperor often with a legend and on the reverse, the image of some favourite divinity along with a significant epithet of the issuer and an ornamental symbol. Such symbols and legends have contributed in constructing the political, economical, cultural or social history of the Gupta period. The scope of the numismatic study is very wide. It covers not only the materials of which coins are made but also takes within its ambit the sources of such materials. It includes the forms which coins take from the point of view of weight, design and technique of manufacture including such questions: as the size and frequency of issues and the monetary and the metallic values attached to each type of coin. In this paper, among the many expressive communicative media references is made solely to the various artistic typological features of symbols on early Gupta emperor's gold coins to highlight their importance and to suggest that the study of the economic representation of any era should not be limited to listening to the words and texts of the coins but should also be open to the discovery of meanings and significance communicated through symbols.

The Aulikaras were the rulers of western Malwa (the northwest of Central India) in the heyday of the Imperial Guptas in the fifth century CE, and rose briefly to sovereignty at the beginning of the sixth century before disappearing from the spotlight of history. This book gathers all the epigraphic evidence pertaining to this dynasty, meticulously editing and translating the inscriptions and analysing their content and its implications.

It is fitting that the first article in this issue of South African Crime Quarterly (SACQ) speaks to the South African Police Service's tackling of commercial crime. It is increasingly clear that corporate–political collusion poses a serious threat to South Africa's democratic gains. In recent months journalists have started to pick through a trove of emails released in June, known as the #GuptaLeaks. In the process they have connected the dots between tens of thousands of exchanges among the notorious Gupta business family, management of parastatals, governmentministers and allies of President Jacob Zuma, including his son Duduzane. The emails paint a terrifying picture of state capture and abuse.

Satya's story: transnational social networks, narrative performances, and religion -- On the importance of Maalis: transnational communities, social imaginaries, and narrative performance -- New opportunities, the brain drain, and the Guptas -- Growing up Indian, becoming immigrants: interpreting immigration narratives -- One's own home is better than all other places: creating family and home as transmigrants -- Neither black nor white: moving to the Atlanta of the new south -- Sundarka: performing community and religion -- Toward a transnational Hinduism.

Limited attention seems to have been paid in Indian historical work to the Hūṇas (Huns) except for the general assumption that they played a very destructive role in Indian history. There is need for a fresh appraisal of the Hūṇa polity in the light of the Schūyen copper scroll, and further work on the numismatic evidence, while the details of their conflict with the Guptas need to be properly worked out. Finally, the objective behind their deep intrusion into central India (especially Malwa) has to be located in a broader context.

Bengal has a glaring history of brisk commercial connection with different parts of Asia and Africa since long past. There are plenty of evidences in our store to irradiate important information upon that aspect of history. Controversy has loomed large upon the scholars about the character of trade after the emergence of feudalism in that area after the fall of the Imperial Guptas. In spite of vicissitudes of opinion over the matter it cannot be denied that the volume of trade was hardly affected by the development of that trait in the political – social history of Bengal. Feudalism in Bengal has had hardly any bearing with the running trade and commerce and with the feudal character of the society.

L'histoire ou plutôt la préhistoire des Indes commence maintenant vers 3000 avant notre ère grâce à ce que les Anglais appellent l'Indus culture. M. Piggot propose le nom de civilisation de Mohenjodaro et d'Harappa. Son livre ne couvre pas toute la préhistoire des Indes (à vrai dire il ne parle que de l'époque du bronze des régions occidentales) ; il est bien écrit et surtout il fait beaucoup de comparaisons avec l'Asie occidentale ; il est probablement la meilleure introduction existante à cette très ancienne civilisation de l'Indus.Passons au IVe siècle de notre ère, à l'époque où l'Empire des Guptas florissait. Là-dessus un nouveau livre du professeur Dikshatar, une œuvre de longues années des recherches et de méditations. Il a réuni, traduit et commenté beaucoup d'inscriptions peu ou pas connues.

Intro -- Title Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- Chapter I: From Mandela to Mbeki -- Chapter II: The Trouble with Thabo -- Chapter III: The Downfall of Mbeki -- Chapter IV: Chapter IV -- Chapter V: Zuma Takes Over -- Chapter VI: Enter the Guptas -- Chapter VII: 'Power, authority and audacity' -- Chapter VIII: Zuma Unfettered -- Chapter IX: A Government at War with Itself -- Chapter X: An Electoral Shock -- Chapter XI: Gordhan Versus Zupta -- Chapter XII: State of Capture -- Chapter XIII: Ousting Pravin Gordhan -- Chapter XIV: The Guptaleaks -- Chapter XV: 'Mandela and Sisulu did not struggle for this' -- Chapter XVI: The Opposition Right and Left -- Chapter XVII: How to Undermine an Industry -- Chapter XVIII: 'South Africa belongs to us' -- Chapter XIX: 'I don't know where this notion comes from that we have consciences' -- Chapter XX: The Fourth Estate -- Chapter XXI: The Judiciary and Civil Society -- Chapter XXII: The Battle for the Succession -- Chapter XXIII: A Remarkable Victory -- Chapter XXIV: What Next? -- Acknowledgements -- Index -- Plates -- Copyright.

AbstractThe idea that Indian "influence" was responsible for the socio-political development of early Southeast Asia is now largely discredited, but the question of the actual impact of early trade between India and Southeast Asia remains. Prior to the fourth century C.E., Indian trade activities with Southeast Asia appear to have been relatively infrequent, when assessed through the number of items of Indian origin recovered, and the incentives for such trade from the Indian point of view. After the fourth century, the adoption of subcontinental traditions - religious iconography, Sanskrit terminology, coinage, and terms identifying leaders - is seen throughout the area of Southeast Asia, from Bangladesh to Cambodia, Malaysia and Thailand as well as the larger Indonesian islands. Subcontinental traditions became attractive at this time because of the advent of strong political entities in the Indian subcontinent, notably the Guptas, which produced coherent models of political, social and religious organization. Although such models were also available from neighboring China, apprehension about Chinese expansion led the rulers of emergent chiefdoms in Southeast Asia to prefer the adoption of Indian political and religious iconography.

Our Poisoned Land is Jacques Pauw's sequel to the bestselling The President's Keepers. A publishing phenomenon and South Africa's fastest-selling book ever, The President's Keepers fearlessly exposed former president Jacob Zuma's darkest secrets. Our Poisoned Land is as riveting and explosive as its predecessor. When he took office in 2018, President Cyril Ramaphosa appointed new heads for law-enforcement agencies and formed the Investigating Directorate within the National Prosecuting Authority to bring fraudsters and looters to book. Yet, five years on, crime has spiked, most of the looters still walk free and the law-enforcement agencies are in shambles. What went wrong? Once again, Jacques Pauw delves deep to find answers. Among his shocking findings are top police officers that had a hand in state capture still ensconced in the Hawks and police Crime Intelligence; a cabal of state-capture prosecutors within the NPA; a police minister cavorting with a convicted drug smuggler; and South Africa's "own Guptas" living in the lap of luxury after the case against them "disappeared". In his compelling narrative style, Pauw picks up where he left off in The President's Keepers to expose the shadows, deceit and debauchery of Zuma's cronies