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Južnoafrička Republika: od aparthejda do postsegregacijske tranzicije ; South Africa: From Apartheid to Post-Segregational Transition
Premda su u 20. stoljeću i druge države prolazile kroz dramatične društvene i političke promjene, i to od totalitarizma do konsolidirane demokracije, Južnoafrička Republika slučaj je za sebe. Poziciju sui generis najjužnija afrička država dobila je zbog rigorozne rasne segregacije i diskriminacije koju je režim sustavno provodio prema domicilnom stanovništvu.Vrhunac te politike bilo je uvođenje aparthejda 1950. godine, koji je uz kontinuiranu represiju i istodobnu međunarodnu izolaciju potrajao do 1990. i početka demokratske i postsegregacijske tranzicije. Nakon tri ciklusa višerasnih kompetitivnih izbora Južnoafrička Republika danas je država čiju uspješno započetu tranziciju obilježavaju relativno visok stupanj unutarnje stabilnosti i aktivna uloga u međunarodnoj zajednici, ali i potpuno novi izazovi, od side i porasta kriminala do regionalnih suparništava i opasnosti od pojave "obrnutog" rasizma. ; In the 20th century a number of countries went through dramatic social and political changes, passing from totalitarianism to consolidated democracy, but South Africa is in a league of its own. The southernmost African state has acquired a sui generis position due to the fact that its regime sistematically exercised rigorous racial segregation and discrimination against the natives. The peak of that policy was the introduction of apartheid in 1950 which was characterised by sustained repression and simultaneous international isolation. Apartheid came to an end in 1990 with the beginning of democratic and post-segregational transition. After three cycles of multirace competitive elections, South Africa is today a state whose successfully launched transition is marked by a relatively high degree of internal stability and an active role in the international community, but also by completely new challenges, such as AIDS and an increase in crime, regional rivalries and the threat of emergence of an "inverse" racism.
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Utjecaj ljudskih resursa na produktivnost: empirijsko istraživanje zdravlja i visokog obrazovanja u Južnoj Africi ; Productivity effects of human capital: an empirical investigation of health and higher education in South Africa
Enormna opterećenost bolestima, lošim ishodima učenja u visokom obrazovanju u Južnoj Africi i njihova interakcija u smislu utjecaja na produktivnost ljudskih resursa iziskuju istraživanja za konkretne smjernice u okviru politike. U tom smislu, svrha ovog rada je istražiti ovaj odnos, zajedno s drugim čimbenicima, promatrajući ljudske resurse iz perspektive zdravlja, upisa u visoko obrazovanje (HEE) i diplomiranih studenata visokog obrazovanja (HEG). U istraživanju se primjenjuje model vremenskih serija s autoregresijskim distribuiranim pomacima (ARDL) s podacima koji obuhvaćaju razdoblje od 1980. do 2015. godine. Studija je pokazala da, dok BDP raste, stope zaposlenosti i HEE imaju pozitivan učinak na produktivnost u Južnoj Africi; kapital i životni vijek su inverzni u odnosu na produktivnost. Naime, rezultati ovog istraživanja potvrđuju hipotezu da bez odgovarajućeg školskog sektora usmjerenog na potrebne vještine, široko rasprostranjena antiretroviralna terapija u prevenciji HIV-a stanovništva, a s tim i njihovo preživljavanje, negativno utječe na produktivnost. Nadalje, rezultati potvrđuju da uključivanje u obrazovanje djeluje pozitivno na produktivnost, jer obuhvaća pojedince koji su djelomično vješti u programima potrebnim gospodarstvu. Naposljetku, potvrđena je i hipoteza da su ishodi učenja diplomskih studija negativni u odnosu na produktivnost zbog neusklađenosti vještina diplomanata i potreba gospodarstva. Stoga se predlaže da se u okviru politike za povećanje produktivnosti u Južnoj Africi, poduzmu zajednički napori u školskom i zdravstvenom sektoru. ; The huge burden of diseases, poor higher educational outcomes in South Africa and their interaction on affecting productivity of human capital requires investigation for a context –specific policy advice. To this effect, the purpose of this paper is to investigate this relationship, alongside other factors, viewing human capital from the perspective of health, higher education enrolment (HEE) and higher education graduates (HEG). The study adopts time series autoregressive distributive lag (ARDL) with data covering the period 1980 - 2015. The study has found that, while GDP grows, employment rates and HEE have a positive impact on productivity in South Africa; capital stock and life expectancy exhibited an inverse relationship with productivity. These findings support the hypothesis that widespread antiretroviral therapy and resulting survival, without corresponding school sector focus on needed skills, relate negatively to productivity. The findings further support that enrolments affect positively productivity because they comprise individuals who are partly skilled in programs needed by the economy. Finally, they support the hypothesis that graduate outputs relate negatively to productivity because of mismatch of graduation skills and the economy's need. As a policy suggestion, combined effort at school and health sector is needed in South Africa for increased productivity.
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The Ideoloska polazista Stjepana Radica i Seljacke internacionale u pregovorima o suradnji 1924
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 2-3, S. 234-253
The paper analyzes the structure of Stjepan Radic's ideological attitudes, based on an unpublished text -- a letter to the leadership of the Peasants' International -- which served as an overture to the possible membership of HRSS in that procommunist international organization. The paper also includes the original text by Radic. The author claims that the increased interest of the Communist International for winning over HRSS was in the function of a gradual breakup of the unity of interests of the Croatian people & curtailment of the influence of HRSS ideology & policies. The strategic aim of the Communist International was the bolshevization of the Balkans & the Danubian region, for which it advocated the disbandment of the South Slavonic federation & the creation of a Balkan or Balkan-Danubian federation of the Soviet Socialist Republics, including the Soviet Republic of Croatia. The central part of the text is devoted to the analysis of Stjepan Radic's ideological attitudes. He upheld the unity of interests of the Croatian people under the leadership of peasants & the principle of an independent & nationally sovereign state of the Croatian people, & he was in favor of a confederal relationship of Croatia with Serbia & other South Slavonic states. The Peasants' International was only a tactical move exacted by the existing relationships in the South Slavonic monarchy & Europe in general. Adapted from the source document.
Dug put kući – povratak jugoslavenskih iseljenika iz Argentine (1946. – 1951.) ; A Long Way Home – The Return of Yugoslav Immigrants from Argentina (1946–1951)
U radu se na temelju arhivskih izvora, stručne literature i onovremenoga tiska analizira povratak jugoslavenskih iseljenika iz Argentine i ostalih dijelova Južne Amerike u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Prati se priprema, organizacija, brojnost, transport, dolazak, smještaj i razmještaj iseljenika u domovini. Analizira se i stručna, nacionalna i spolna pripadnost iseljenika povratnika. Posebna pozornost posvećena je odnosima dviju država, Jugoslavije i Argentine, u ovom pitanju. ; Diplomatic, consular and economic relations between the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Argentina were established on 16 September 1946. The agreement was signed by General Ljubo Ilić, chief of the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in South America, and Juan Atilion Bramuglia, Argentinian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Religion. In the first decade after World War II, the two states had some open problems and unresolved issues such as the question of commercial agreements, Yugoslav political emigration in Argentina, especially the Ustasha movement, Argentine nationalised property in Yugoslavia, visas for entering Argentina etc. Following World War II, Argentina became the country with the most emigrants of Yugoslav origin in the entire Latin America. The major part of those were Croats and Slovenes, while emigrants from Montenegro and Serbia made up a smaller proportion. The issue of Yugoslav immigrants in Argentina was of the greatest importance in the relations between two countries. In the late 1940s, the interests of Yugoslavia and Argentina in this matter were opposed. Both sides wanted to use a qualified work force for building their own country. Yugoslavia tried to recruit immigrants to come back and take part in fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan established in 1947. Argentina on the other hand, wanted to keep able-bodied people for building its own industry. The Yugoslav government sent ships for immigrants and organised housing and jobs for them upon their return. The majority of them were construction, agriculture, and textile workers. The peak of the repatriation was 1948, when 83% of Yugoslav immigrants returned from Argentina. There was another problem, and that was the different treatment of immigrants with dual citizenship, which especially referred to the children of Yugoslav immigrants who were born on Argentine soil. According the law, they were Argentine citizens, but Yugoslav authorities still thought of them as their own. According to official data, of all the people to return in Yugoslavia in the 1946–51 period, a total of 1,748 arrived from Argentina, which was 10.84% of the total number of returning Yugoslav citizens. Only France was ahead of Argentina in this period in terms of numbers of returns, with 3,914, while Canada was behind, with 1,727.
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Stoljeća vlasti imperija na Kavkazu: Raspad SSSR-a i ratovi u devedesetima ; Centuries of Imperial Rule in the Caucasus: Collapse of USSR and Conflicts in the 1990s
Raspad Sovjetskog Saveza uzrokovao je nezapamćenu geopolitičku katastrofu u modernoj povijesti, ostavljajući nestabilne međuetničke prostore sudbini vlastitih nacionalizama. Sovjetski etno-kartografi su kompromisnim rješenjima ustrojili dinamičan prostor novog euroazijskog carstva ignorirajući i odgađajući srž međuetničkih problema. Sovjetskom politikom stvoreni su uvjeti za kontrolu Južnog Kavkaza koristeći međusobne odnose naroda za održavanje moći centralne vlasti pritom potpaljujući međuetničke sukobe. Iako su sovjetske politike težile rješavanju problema, njihov cilj je bio kontrola prostora Južnog Kavkaza pomoću čvrste državne moći čijim su nestankom i započeli odgođeni sukobi koji traju i dandanas. ; The collapse of the Soviet Union has caused an unprecedented geopolitical catastrophe in modern history, leaving unstable inter-ethnic spaces to the fate of their own nationalisms. Soviet ethno-cartographers formed the dynamic space of a new Eurasian empire with compromise solutions, ignoring and delaying the essence of inter-ethnic problems in the South Caucasus. Soviet policies created the conditions for the control of the South Caucasus by using the interrelations of its peoples to maintain the power of the central government, and by stoking inter-ethnic conflicts. Although Soviet policies sought to address the problem, their goal was to control the South Caucasus by means of state power, the disappearance of which marked the beginning of deferred conflicts that continue to this day.
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Vanjska politika Dubrovacke Republike (primjer medunarodne suradnje i diplomatske vjestine)
In: Politicka misao, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 203-220
Foreign policy & diplomatic skills played a key role in the survival & development of the Dubrovnik Republic for more than four & a half centuries. Throughout the period, the Dubrovnik Republic had foreign-policy sovereignty, which was manifest in the fact that it autonomously decided upon its relations with other states (including recognition of other states), signed international contracts, & established & maintained diplomatic & consular relations. Through timely awareness of the advantages of their geopolitical position & through their orientation towards the sea, the people of Dubrovnik entered into numerous international political & trade relations, both with countries in their continental background & with countries throughout, & beyond, the Mediterranean. They were able to assess & utilize such geopolitical & other relevant characteristics wisely & skillfully in the defense of their independence, sovereignty & economic growth, resorting almost exclusively to diplomatic means & diplomatic skill. The Dubrovnik foreign policy was based on the principle of remaining neutral in international conflicts & of stressing its position of the last Christian enclave in south-eastern Europe. As a small country with no military force, Dubrovnik managed to survive by seeking protection of powerful states, such as the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, the Pope, the Spanish King and, finally, Turkey. In spite of the fact that first the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, & then Turkey, provided it with "supreme protection," the Dubrovnik Republic succeeded in establishing & preserving for centuries all relevant components of state sovereignty. Adapted from the source document.
Uz raspravu o buducnosti drzave
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, S. 3-4
This note considers the continuing viability of the state as a political community & a people's republic, a leading theme of a scientific symposium on the future of the state, held in Zagreb, 10-11 May 2002. The successes & failures of the state are pointed out: it has promoted modern democracy & social & economic developments but has also given rise to totalitarian regimes. The failure of some regions to develop state formations (eg, sub-Saharan Africa) is contrasted with state development in Western Europe, where the state now appears to be in the final stages of evolution, dissolving into the suprastate organization of the European Union. The question of the future of the state as a political body & territorially defined national unit is addressed, noting the erosion of state powers & prerogatives in the era of globalization & the threats to its legitimacy in light of the recognition that the legal foundation & financial resources of the state are limited. The principles of democracy & nationalism on which the raison d'etre of the state was always founded are ambivalent in providing a legitimacy for this institution. For the time being, however, the state has a future because there seems to be no better alternative. Z. Dubiel
The "New Cold Warriors" and the "Pragmatics": The Differences in Foreign Policy Attitudes towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership States among the NATO Member States from Central and South-Eastern Europe
The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.
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The "New Cold Warriors" and the "Pragmatics": The Differences in Foreign Policy Attitudes towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership States among the NATO Member States from Central and South-Eastern Europe
The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.
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"Ljudi bježite, auto je sigurno opet stigao da nekoga hapse". Analiza provođenja UNICEF-ovog Programa automobila i drugih prijevoznih sredstava u FNRJ 1948. – 1954. ; AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTRODUCTION OF THE UNICEF PROGRAM CONCERNING AUTOMOBILES AND OTHER VEHICLES IN YUGOSLAVIA IN THE PERIOD 1948-1954
Rad predstavlja pokušaj da se prikažu brojne nepravilnosti u provođenju UNICEF-ova Programa automobila i drugih prijevoznih sredstava u FNRJ. Zloupotreba voznog parka Međunarodnog dječjeg fonda usporila je razvoj nedovoljno izgrađene zdravstvene službe. "Problemi" u distribuciji roba i provođenju usluga posredno su se odrazili na zdravstveno zbrinjavanje najugroženijih kategorija stanovništva u Jugoslaviji po okončanju Drugog svjetskog rata. ; An analysis of the introduction of the UNICEF (United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund) program concerning automobiles and other vehicles in Yugoslavia in the period from 1948 to 1954 reveals a number of injustices and misuses which significantly reduced the real value of one of the most expensive programs UNICEF administered in Yugoslavia, ultimately hurting the state as well as the users of the insufficiently supplied health services. Representatives of the government, the police, the military, as well as leaders of organizations misused the vehicles which they obtained from UNICEF. It is apparent that representatives of the government, who were organized according to the principle of political loyalty, did not pay sufficient attention to the problem of allocating UNICEF's services of resources. More care was shown only in cases when clear warnings were given that further aid would be terminated. In all other cases, a clear lack of care and disregard was shown toward the precious help provided by UNICEF, while its automobile compound was treated as property of the state. Later UNICEF introduced stricter policies regarding the distribution of vehicles, because it realized that the Yugoslav side was using the resources distributed for other purposes than those for which they were intended. Besides this, ten years after the end of the Second World War the situation in Europe had improved to a significant degree, meanwhile new crisis areas requiring UNICEF's attention had appeared in Asia, Africa, and South America. This change in UNICEF policies created a number of problems for the Yugoslavian government in terms of future cooperation with the UN organization, that is, the Yugoslavians had to pay far greater care and attention to the distribution of services and resources offered by UNICEF.
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Prikupljanje, obrada i korištenje arhivskoga gradiva 9. (kninskog) korpusa Jugoslavenske narodne armije u Hrvatskom memorijalno-dokumentacijskom centru Domovinskog rata u Zagrebu ; Collecting, processing and usage of archival materials pertaining to the 9th (Knin's) corps of the Yugoslav people's ar...
U Hrvatskom memorijalno-dokumentacijskom centru Domovinskog rata u Zagrebu čuva se arhivski fond 9. korpus Jugoslavenske narodne armije, obima pedeset i osam kutija (5,8 dužnih metara) gradiva nastaloga od 1972. do 1992. godine. Fond izvorno nije činio jednu organsku cjelinu, nego je nastao izdvajanjem gradiva korpusa iz više dokumentacijskih cjelina tijekom višegodišnjega razdoblja. Uslijed toga, fond je arhivistički obrađivan u tri faze te je završen u lipnju 2018. godine. Izrađeno je obavijesno pomagalo (sumarni inventar). Gradivo je javno i dostupno svim korisnicima koji Hrvatskomu memorijalno-dokumentacijskomu centru Domovinskoga rata podnesu zahtjev za uvid u sadržaj i pretraživanje fonda. Gradivo je autentično, dobro očuvano i vjerodostojno. Navedeni fond ima veliku informacijsku vrijednost te je iznimno važan povijesni izvor za proučavanje Domovinskog rata na području sjeverne Dalmacije i južne Like od 1991. do 1992., za proučavanje izbijanja rata u Bosni i Hercegovini u proljeće 1992., kao i za razumijevanje uloge Jugoslavenske narodne armije u raspletu jugoslavenske krize. ; The Croatian Memorial Documentation Center of Homeland War in Zagreb stores archival fonds of the 9th (Knin's) Corps of the Yugoslav People's Army, the total of fifty eight boxes (5,8 linear meters) of archives, confiscated by the Croatian forces after the Storm operation in August 1995 in the liberated territory of the Republic of Croatia. Originally the fonds was not an organic whole, but was created by the exclusion of the corps' archives from various and unarranged documentation wholes which from December 2005 to March 2018 were handed over to the Center as deposit by the Croatian State Archives, Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Croatia, State Archives in Zadar, Military Security and Intelligence Agency, Lika-Senj Police Administration and several private holders. To a significant extent, that slowed down and made its arrangement harder, while causing numerous difficulties for the Center's employees during the fonds' archival processing. Because of that, fonds was arranged in three phases during several years and it was finished in June 2018. A finding aid was created for the fonds (summary inventory) kept at the Division for Conventional Records of the Center. The fonds' records, dating from 1972 to 1992, are divided into sixteen series with associated sub-series. They are written in Serbian (or so called Serbo-Croatian), in Latin or Cyrillic script. The fonds mostly contains original documents, written on paper, cardboard or transparency. It also contains smaller amount of photographs and negatives. The records are authentic, well-kept and credible, representing the large part but not the entire documentation created by the activity of its creator. The fonds has significant informational value and is an extremely important historical source for research of the Homeland War, especially in the area of north Dalmatia and southern Lika during 1991-1992, research of the outbreak of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in spring 1992, as well as for understanding the role of the Yugoslav People's Army in the way the Yugoslav crisis was resolved. Due to its historical importance and in order to bring it closer and present it to the both professional and general public, the Center published four volumes comprising of 525 documents of the Corps' Command and units within it, as well as headquarters and units of the territorial defence of the rebelled Serbs in northern Dalmatia, created from mid-February 1991 to the end of May 1992.The judiciary bodies of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina also used it to a large extent in their investigations of criminal offences and war crimes committed during the conflict in northern Dalmatia and southern Lika, as well as western and south-western Bosnia until mid-1992. Fonds' records were also greatly used to create The Memorial for suing Yugoslavia due to violation of Genocide Convention's provisions, submitted by the Republic of Croatia to the International Court of Justice in Hague on 2 June 1999. Fonds' records are public archives available to all users on equal terms.
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Komparativna analiza migracijskih politika država nastalih raspadom bivše Jugoslavije ; A Comparative Analysis of the Migration Policies of the Former Yugoslavia's Successor States
Migracijska kretanja su konstanta ljudske povijesti, bilo da se radi o dobrovoljnim ili prisilnim migracijama. No,s prijelaza s 2015. na 2016. godinu, Europa se suočila s izbjegličkom krizom koja je uzrokovana dugogodišnjim tranzicijskim procesima na Bliskom istoku i sjevernoj Africi. Ti su tranzicijski procesi uzrokovali građanski rat u Siriji i Libiji, ali i stvorili ogromnu nestabilnost u susjednim državama. Veliki broj migranata s područja Bliskog istoka, Afrike i Azije je krenuo prema Europi, a cilj im je bio stići u najrazvijenije zemlje Europe, Njemačku, Švedsku, Norvešku i druge. Na putu koji se proteže preko Turske i Grčke pa sve do Švedske, našle su se i države koje su svoju samostalnost stekle dezintegracijom Jugoslavije. Neke od država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije su članice Europske unije i NATO pakta, no to im nije olakšalo suočavanje s izbjegličkom krizom, iako su one, u većini slučajeva, samo tranzitne zemlje. Nedostatak sredstava, slaba koordinacija, manjak institucionalnih kapaciteta i problemi s drugim državama samo su neki od izazova s kojima su se ove države suočile. Upravo zbog svih navedenih problema ovaj rad se bavi komparacijom migracijskih politika država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije, i to ne samo onih koje se nalaze na Balkanskoj ruti, već i Crne Gore i Bosne i Hercegovine. ; Migration movements have been a constant feature of human history, wheather voluntary or forced. However, in the late 2015 Europe was faced with refugee crisis caused by long – term transition process in Middle East and North Africa. That transition process caused Civil war in Syria and Libya and instability in neighboring countries. A huge number of migrants from Middle East, Africa and Asia headed to Europe with the aim to reach most developed countries: Germany, Sweden, Norway etc. Countries which gained their independence with desintergration of Yugoslavia can be found on the path from Turkey and Greece towards countries as far as Sweden. Althought some of the states that have been createdafter the ...
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Informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije, otvorenost i građanska percepcija vlade: kako "građanske tehnologije" mogu omogućiti vanjsku učinkovitost građana ; ICTs, Openness and Citizen Perceptions of Government: How Civic Technologies Can Facilitate External Citizen Efficacy
U ovom se radu istražuje mogu li "građanske tehnologije" (tehnologije koje potiču aktivno građanstvo) na efikasan način razvijati političku učinkovitost građana i mijenjati njihovu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Anketirani su korisnici "građanskih tehnologija" na mrežnim stranicama iz SAD-a, UK-a, Kenije i Južnoafričke Republike. Temeljno je pitanje bilo jesu li određene građanske akcije nadzora, koje je moguće provesti putem tih mrežnih stranica, utjecale na promjenu mišljenja građana o tome reagiraju li vlade na građanski nadzor. Rezultati ukazuju na poboljšanu građansku učinkovitost, kao i na povećanu percepciju odgovornosti vlade. Između korisnika "građanskih tehnologija" koji dolaze iz proučavanih zemalja uočene su značajne demografske razlike koje su povezane sa širokim spektrom načina na koje građani koriste informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije (IKT). Ipak, svima im je zajedničko povjerenje u učinkovitost tih tehnologija. Rezultati upućuju na to da objavljivanje i građanski nadzor vladinih informacija putem "građanskih tehnologija" povećavaju osjećaj vanjske učinkovitosti i percepciju odgovornosti vlade, kako u razvijenim zemljama tako i u zemljama u razvoju. ; This article examines whether civic technologies deliver an effective technique for developing the political efficacy of citizens and altering their perceived accountability of governments. Employing a survey-based methodology, a quantitative analysis was performed on the users of civic technology sites in the USA, UK, Kenya and South Africa. The primary question posed is whether the specific citizen monitoring actions facilitated by these sites cause a related effect in altering the extent to which citizens believe that governments are responsive to citizen-audit. The results indicate an enhancement in citizen efficacy and perceptions of government accountability. Notable differences detected in the user demographics between the countries studied demonstrate a wide spectrum of citizen usage; however, with common confidence displayed by respondents in the efficacy of the ICT. The findings indicate that the publication and citizen-audit of government information through civic technologies in developed and developing countries increases feelings of external efficacy and perceived government accountability.
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