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This article rebuts conventional claims that AIDS in Africa is a microbial problem to be controlled through sexual abstinence, behavior modification, condoms, and drugs. The orthodox view mistakenly attributes to sexual activities the common symptoms that define an AIDS case in Africa - diarrhea, high fever, weight loss and dry cough. What has really made Africans increasingly sick over the past 25 years are deteriorating political economies, not people's sexual behavior. The establishment view on AIDS turned poverty into a medical issue and made everyday life an obsession about safe sex. While the vast, selfperpetuating AIDS industry invented such aggressive phrases as "the war on AIDS" and "fighting stigma," it viciously denounced any physician, scientist, journalist or citizen who exposed the inconsistencies, contradictions and errors in their campaigns. Thus, fighting AIDS in Africa degenerated into an intolerant religious crusade. Poverty and social inequality are the most potent co-factors for an AIDS diagnosis. In South Africa, racial inequalities rooted in apartheid mandated rigid segregation of health facilities and disproportionate spending on the health of whites, compared to blacks. Apartheid policies ignored the diseases that primarily afflicted Africans - malaria, tuberculosis, respiratory infections and protein anemia. Even after the end of apartheid, the absence of basic sanitation and clean water supplies still affects many Africans in the former homelands and townships. The article argues that the billions of dollars squandered on fighting AIDS should be diverted to poverty relief, job creation, the provision of better sanitation, better drinking water, and financial help for drought-stricken farmers. The cure for AIDS in Africa is as near at hand as an alternative explanation for what is making Africans sick in the first place.

Secondo il Report IFAD sulla povertà rurale, nel 2008, circa due terzi della popolazione africana viveva nelle aree rurali ed era in qualche modo coinvolta in attività agricole commerciali o di sussistenza (IFAD, 2011). L'agricoltura rappresenta il più importante settore economico per la popolazione africana e le donne risultano cruciali per la produzione agricola: rappresentano infatti il 62,8 per cento della forza lavoro (FAO, 2014). Dopo la crisi alimentare del 2007-2008 si è andato intensificando il fenomeno delle acquisizione di terre su larga scala in paesi del Sud del mondo, in particolare nel continente africano, da parte di multinazionali, governi, aziende nazionali e singoli soggetti privati. Questo processo è stato denominato anche land grabbing dalle principali organizzazioni internazionali e della società civile e ha avuto grande impatto mediatico a livello internazionale. L'intensificarsi del fenomeno ha portato a una progressiva perdita di controllo e accesso ad ampie porzioni di territorio da parte delle comunità locali, che non possono più disporre delle risorse naturali collegate alla terra. La cessione di ampi terreni avviene in molti casi senza trasparenza informativa, con violazione dei diritti umani e senza il consenso delle comunità che vi abitano e che coltivano tali aree, e a cui viene imposto un cambio radicale di vita. La terra è una risorsa centrale per l'identità, il sostentamento e la sicurezza alimentare di una comunità, dunque le conseguenze sono molteplici a livello sociale, culturale, economico e politico. Gli impatti sulle relazioni di genere e in particolare sulle donne delle comunità rurali risultano essere cruciali nel discorso sullo sviluppo. L'obiettivo di questo lavoro è indagare come le relazioni di genere, a seguito delle trasformazioni nella gestione della terra, si modificano amplificando squilibri già esistenti e creando conseguenze sulle logiche di potere delle comunità rurali e sulle vite delle persone che ne fanno parte. ; According to the IFAD Rural Poverty Report, in 2008 about two thirds of the African population lived in rural areas and were involved in agricultural activities in some form, either for commercial purposes or subsistence (IFAD, 2011). Agriculture is the most important economic sector for the African population and women are crucial within its production, representing 62,8 % of the workforce (FAO, 2014). After the food crisis of 2007-2008, the phenomenon of large-scale land acquisitions in developing countries by national and transnational companies, governments and individuals has been intensifying, particularly seen in Africa. This process, also referred to as land grabbing by the main international organisations and civil society has had a strong media impact at an international level. The intensification of the phenomenon has led to local communities progressively losing control and access to large pieces of land, no longer able to use the natural resources derived from it. As land is fundamental for the identity, the sustenance and the alimentary safety of a community, land grabbing therefore has had a variety of consequences at a social, cultural, economic and political level. The transfer of control often takes place without informative transparency or agreement from the local communities living and working in these areas, who are forced into a radical change of life, often accompanied by human rights violations. The impacts on gender relations are crucial to this narrative, in particular how women from rural communities are affected. The aim of this work is to investigate how these gender relations are changed as a consequence of the shifts in the management of land, where existing imbalances are amplified, with a strong impact on the distribution of power in rural communities and the lives of the people who belong to them.

Adapted from the source document.

Socio-economic performance differs not only across countries but within countries too and can persist even after religion, language, and formal institutions are long shared. One interpretation of these disparities is that successful regions are characterized by higher levels of trust, and, more generally, of cooperation. Here we study a classic case of within-country disparities, the Italian North-South divide, to find out whether people exhibit geographically distinct abilities to cooperate independently of many other factors and whence these differences emerge. Through an experiment in four Italian cities, we study the behavior of a sample of the general population toward trust and contributions to the common good. We find that trust and contributions vary in unison, and diminish moving from North to South. This regional gap cannot be attributed to payoffs from cooperation or to institutions, formal or informal, that may vary across Italy, as the experimental methodology silences their impact. The gap is also independent of risk and other-regarding preferences which we measure experimentally, suggesting that the lower ability to cooperate we find in the South is not due to individual \moral" flaws. The gap could originate from emergent collective properties, such as different social norms and the expectations they engender. The absence of convergence in behavior during the last 150 years, since Italy was unified, further suggests that these norms can persist overtime. Using a millennium-long dataset, we explore whether the quality of past political institutions and the frequency of wars could explain the emergence of these differences in norms.

L'elaborato analizza il ruolo delle Teorie del Cambiamento come modelli logici di programmazione nel crescente mutamento sociale orientato alla valutazione di impatto. Al fine di presentare un quadro completo, viene descritto l'iter evolutivo dei diversi approcci metodologici e modelli programmatici della cooperazione internazionale allo sviluppo, fino all'elaborazione della TdC. La metodologia della ToC è definita in tutti i suoi termini, dai principi su cui si fonda alle dinamiche procedurali. A tal riguardo, è realizzata una guida che possa semplificarne la pratica applicazione. La guida operativa è comprovata dall' applicazione al caso studio "Out & Proud: LGBTI Equality and Rights in Southern Africa" di cui co-applicant è l'ONG COSPE. Infine, l'analisi della Teoria del Cambiamento si concentra sul suo ruolo nella crescente "cultura dell'impatto". Nel dettaglio, sono analizzati gli ambienti internazionale, regionale e nazionale nel contatto tra Government e Governance che ha funto da impulso a questo rinnovamento. La tesi promuove la complementarità dei settori divulgativo-valutativo e programmatico, definendo principale il ruolo della Teoria del Cambiamento in questo nuovo processo. The paper analyzes the role of the Theory of Change as a logical model of programming in the growing social change oriented to impact assessment. In order to present a complete picture, it describes the evolutionary process of international development cooperation and its programming models, until the elaboration of ToC. The methodology is defined in all its terms, from the principles on which it is based to the procedural dynamics. In this respect, a guide shall be drawn up to facilitate its practical application. The operational guide is proven by the application to the case study "Out & Proud: LGBTI Equality and Rights in Southern Africa" of which co-applicant is the NGO COSPE. Finally, the analysis of the Theory of Change focuses on its role in the growing "culture of impact". In detail, the international, regional and national environments are analyzed in the contact between Government and Governance that incentivized this renewal. The thesis promotes the complementarity of the informative-evaluative and programmatic sectors, defining the main role of the Theory of Change in this new process.

ABSTRACT: Invaded, displaced, and dispossessed, the aboriginal Khoisan populations of South Africa were enslaved and pushed to the margins of society well before the arrival of European settlers in the seventeenth century: the Bantu groups which had invaded southern Africa in the previous centuries had colonised various regions, due to their physical and military superiority. In contemporary South Africa, the condition of these people is still precarious, judging from the various forms of political protest reclaiming full citizenship for Khoisan communities. In some cases, however, the re-reading of History on the part of minority groups to obtain social and political recognition tends to reproduce, and therefore to confirm, the stereotypes and simplifications that contributed to their marginalisation in the first place. The case of the Khoikhoi populations in South Africa – classified as 'coloured', but still claiming specific ethnic identities of their own – is read here through the lens of literature, and specifically through the novel David's Story by Zoë Wicomb – a South African writer who has always avoided the trap of simplism both as narrator and as social and literary critic.

I Latuka, uno dei maggiori e tuttavia meno conosciuti gruppi nilocamitici delle pianure e colline orientali dell'Equatoria (Sudan meri- dionale) vivono in considerevole numero (150.000 - 200.000 anime) organizzati in clan patrilineari e disseminati in alcune dozzine di medi e grossi villaggi. Il presente studio, basato su ricerche dirette condotte in sito nel 1975 dal secondo e piu giovane dei due co-autori, egli stesso un Latuka, ha per oggetto il locale sistema di gradi e classi d'eta, e la relazione di tale sistema alla vita politica della nazione. Un rapido sguardo alla struttura sociale e seguito da un'analisi del concetto di potere e delle attribuzioni di coloro che lo esercitano. I Latuka hanno capi-villaggio, con carica ereditaria in via patrilineare, ma che hanno soprattutto la funzione di guide spirituali; l'autorita effettiva risiede collettivamente nei monyemiji, gli 'adulti' (letter. 'proprietari del villaggio') entro il sistema dei gradi d'eta sui quali incombe la responsabilità per la difesa militate, la sicurezza e il benessere degli abitanti, e ai quali competono le decisioni propriamente politiche. Tale situazione verrebbe a confermare secondo gli Autori la tesi avanzata gia nel 1952 da B. Bernardi, che l'ordinamento a classi d'eta rappresenta la struttura fondamentale nel sistema politico dei Nilo-Camiti.