Denmark and national liberation Southern Africa: a flexible response
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 2, S. 290-292
ISSN: 0020-577X
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In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 2, S. 290-292
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 235-239
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Occasional papers 19
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 305-308
ISSN: 0020-577X
The government of the South Kalimantan Province moved the provincial capital from Banjarmasin to Banjarbaru at the end of 2011. However, there has not been a clear decision as to what the government's old building will be used for. One thing is clear, the utilization has to be optimized by considering the local government regulations. The aim of the research is to examine the highest and the best alternatives of utilization that can be adopted for such an asset. Non-probability sampling method was used in the research to find the alternatives. The alternatives were analyzed by using the highest and the best use analysis as the relevance test instrument for each of them. After analyzing the alternatives, the benefit-cost ratio (BCR) analysis was conducted to analyze the alternatives prior to determining their feasibility. Legal analysis, physical analysis, financial analysis, and the maximum productivity analysis were the stages conducted on the research based on highest and best use analysis. Based on the result of the research, the alternative which is feasible to do is that the building is used for other governmental or public purposes. Through the analysis, the alternative meets the criteria of the analysis as mentioned before with NPV Rp. 747,439,143 and BCR 1.024. Furthermore, according to 42.5 percent of the respondents, the building is best used for UPT offices and other institutions.
BASE
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 75-94
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article considers the rising importance regional power development in a world where the stability of political alliances is increasingly brought into question. Most world leaders agree that these emerging economies will come to play an ever-more powerful role in the shaping of tomorrow's global policies, even if they do not themselves occupy the leading socio-political slots. Several possible policy configurations for China, India, Brazil, & South Africa are considered here, focusing on the degree to which these countries will both collectively & independently choose to balance their engagement between their local sphere of influence & their strategic global allies, namely the US & EU. It is suggested that the direction China elects to take in its policy over the coming years will have a decisive role for the other developing regions as a whole, because its economic power will largely temper the attitudes of the dominant world powers towards these regional powers. Tables, References. C. Brunski
In: Norsk teologisk tidsskrift, Band 112, Heft 2, S. 147-149
ISSN: 1504-2979
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 189-210
ISSN: 0020-577X
Researcher conducted a study with the aim to determine the quality of items in terms of analysis: 1) the validity of the content and empirical, 2) reliability, 3) level of difficulty, 4) distinguishing features, and 5) the function of detractors. This research is a descriptive study. The sample was a set of second semester final exam subjects biology grade XI IPA SMAof the school year 2015/2016 in the south region district solok. Quantitative analysis was performed by using Anates, while for the qualitative analysis carried out by the study table. Based on the results of data analysis, the result for the review of aspects: 1) the validity of the content, about 7.5% did not meet the material aspect, 40% of questions that do not meet aspects of construction, and 77.5% did not meet aspects of language problems, and validity empirically, 52.5% are invalid matter, 2) reliability, the test has a value of 0.67 belong to the category enough, 3) the level of difficulty, 5% classified as very easy matter, 22.5% easy, 40% about the medium, 17 , 5% about the difficult, and 15% about the very difficult, 4) different power, 15% of matter which is classified as very bad, 15% about the relatively ugly, 30% about enough, and 40% items good, 5) function options, for options that are not qualified humbug is 75% and the quality is 25%. It can be concluded that the end of the semester exam subjects biology grade XI of the school year 2015/2016 in the south region district solok not meet both criteria.
BASE
In: Teologisk tidsskrift, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 311-315
ISSN: 1893-0271
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 139-162
ISSN: 0020-577X
Draws on the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) to analyze the political economy of the new regionalism in southern Africa in the post-Cold War & postapartheid era. The NRA challenges much of conventional wisdom in the field, which is seen as narrowly focused on intergovernmental regional organizations & intraregional trade. The analysis identifies four main types of regionalism in southern Africa, which to a large extent occur within the larger context of economic globalization, neoliberalism, & the retreat of the state: (1) open regionalism, (2) microregionalism, (3) private firms led regionalism, & (4) informal regionalism from below. Both open regionalism & microregionalism (as built around the concept of spatial development initiatives) seek to reinforce economic globalization & market integration, & attract foreign direct investment to bankable private investment projects. Together with the firms driven regionalism, which is constructed by & around large South African business enterprises, these three types of regionalism sustain a particular pattern of elite driven regionalism centered on economic growth, trade, & capital intensive projects in the formal economy, with little focus on development & poverty reduction. To a large extent, the myriad of activities included in informal regionalism from below emerges as a consequence of the negative & exclusionary effects of neoliberalism & the three types of elite driven regionalism. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
The Covid-19 pandemic has disrupted elections in various countries, decreased voter participation, and increased the potential for virus transmission that threatens public health—one of the countries holding elections during the Covid-19 pandemic in South Korea. In contrast to most other election organizing countries during the pandemic, the South Korean Legislative Election in 2020 became a legislative election with the highest turnout of voters reaching 66.2 percent. The election was won by the Democratic People's Party of Korea as the party that carries President Moon Jae-in. This study discusses the effect of the four-pronged strategy used by President Moon Jae-in in tackling Covid-19 on the victory of the Democratic People's Party of Korea. This study will also discuss the high civic duty of the South Korean community, which affects the high turnout of voters, regardless of elections held during a crisis. This study finds that despite the poor assessment of economic policies, foreign relations, and political scandals in the administration of President Moon Jae-in, crises are considered to have higher urgency and become the main indicator of a society in conducting retrospective assessments. This is supported by the public's views, who view the Covid-19 pandemic as a national crisis, and participating in elections is considered a form of nation-saving duty. The high voter turnout and the effectiveness of the four-pronged strategy affected the victory of the Democratic People's Party of Korea in the 2020 South Korean Legislative Elections. ; Pandemi Covid-19 mendisrupsi jalannya pemilu di berbagai negara dan berpengaruh pada penurunan partisipasi pemilih dan meningkatkan potensi transmisi virus yang mengancam kesehatan masyarakat. Salah satu negara yang menyelenggarakan pemilu di tengah pandemi Covid-19 adalah Korea Selatan. Berbeda dengan mayoritas negara penyelenggara pemilu lainnya di saat pandemi, Pemilu Legislatif Korea Selatan tahun 2020 menjadi pemilu legislatif dengan perolehan turnout voters tertinggi mencapai 66,2 persen. Pemilu tersebut dimenangkan oleh Democratic People's Party of Korea selaku partai pengusung Presiden Moon Jae-in. Penelitian ini membahas pengaruh dari four-pronged strategy yang digunakan oleh Presiden Moon Jae-in dalam menanggulangi Covid-19 terhadap kemenangan Democratic People's Party of Korea. Tidak hanya menggunakan penilaian retrospective, penelitian ini juga akan membahas tingginya civic duty masyarakat Korea Selatan yang mempengaruhi tingginya perolehan turnout voters, terlepas dari pemilu yang diadakan di tengah situasi krisis. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa terlepas dari buruknya penilaian kebijakan ekonomi, hubungan luar negeri, dan skandal politik pada pemerintahan Presiden Moon Jae-in, situasi krisis dinilai memiliki urgensi yang lebih tinggi dan menjadi indikator utama masyarakat dalam melakukan penilaian retrospective. Hal tersebut didukung dengan pandangan masyarakat yang menilai Pandemi Covid-19 sebagai krisis nasional, dan berpartisipasi dalam pemilu dianggap sebagai bentuk nation-saving duty. Tingginya partisipasi pemilih dan efektivitas four-pronged strategy mempengaruhi kemenangan Democratic People's Party of Korea pada Pemilu Legislatif Korea Selatan tahun 2020.
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In: Seri Terjemahan Karangan-karangan Belanda 23
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 61, Heft 4, S. 425-448
ISSN: 0020-577X