Hincmar of Reims1
In: East and West: The Making of a Rift in the Church, S. 103-105
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In: East and West: The Making of a Rift in the Church, S. 103-105
The Catholic Church did not dogmatically define the list of seven sacraments until the Council of Trent in the 16th century, marking the culmination of hundreds of years of theological study and reflection upon sacraments. After the definition of seven, French theologians argued that the coronation of their king was an eighth sacrament. In this paper, I contend that Hincmar of Rheims, his theology of kingship, and the coronation rites that he compiled are likely responsible for the French claim. Hincmar was the Archbishop of Rheims from 845 until his death in 882. During his time as archbishop, he compiled four unique coronation rites: two for queens and two for kings. Hincmar's are the oldest surviving coronation rites from continental Europe and they serve as the foundation of nearly all traditions of European coronations, including those of the French kings, the Holy Roman emperors, and still-reigning English monarchs. By closely analyzing Hincmar's De Ordine Palatii (DOP) and his Ordo of Charles the Bald (OCB), I was able to determine that Hincmar likely believed his coronation rites to be sacraments. I argue that the DOP contains Hincmar's theopolitical vision: an ideal conception of the Church and the king's government working in tandem to bring about the salvation of souls. His theology is wrapped up in his politics and vice versa. This analysis yielded a unified understanding of the distinct offices of kingship and priesthood. The OCB shows, in practice, the theories of the DOP. By closely reading the OCB and the historical circumstances that surrounded the celebration, I was able to clearly highlight Hincmar's two-fold understanding of coronation: there is the unction, the ostentatiously sacramental part of the rite wherein a man becomes a king in the sight of God, and the crowning, a purely juridical act wherein a man becomes a king in the eyes of his people. In parsing this distinction, I made two notable contributions to the secondary literature: firstly that Hincmar may have used the Old Testament precedent of Aaron's ordination as inspiration for the rubric of his unction of Charles the Bald; secondly, that the actual crowning was not done by Hincmar, but by a group of bishops from the province of Trier. Hincmar's attitudes and legal maneuvering, both in the DOP and OCB, can serve as the primary evidence that he believed his coronations to be sacraments. This fact becomes even more convincing when one considers the immediate effects of coronation rites after Hincmar's death in 882 and Charles the Fat's deposition in 887. When the Franks outlived the family that was meant to rule over them as their kings forever, the people and the clergy had to find a new way to establish the legitimacy of a monarch. Thanks to the work of Hincmar, that legitimacy came to be sourced in a sacrament of the Church: the sacrament of coronation.
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In: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonistische Abteilung, Band 65, Heft 1, S. 360-366
ISSN: 2304-4896
In: Manchester medieval sources
International audience ; The Visio Bernoldi is part of a group of so-called, "political visions" from the Carolingian period. It reports the journey to the other world, during a near fatal illness, of a certain Bernold. Various people – among them Charles the Bald – all suffering for their sins, begged Bernold that on his return to the mortal world he ask their dependents and friends for prayers, alms and masses. Circulated and commented by Hincmar of Reims, the text conspiculously serves the archbishop's interests. This article considers the complex textual tradition of this short but fascinating text, and offers its first critical edition. The Visio Bernoldi circulated in three versions, called here A, B and C. C is an abridged, partial paraphrase integrated into Flodoard's History of the Church of Reims (953). Flodoard used the Visio Bernoldi as a historical document to provide a divine justification for the political fate of Ebo and Hincmar of Reims, and of Charles the Bald. Version A, as argued here, is closest to the original letter, while B (only partially extant) can be understood as a conscious revision to improve the rustic and cumbersome Latin of the original text. The article also proposes an in-debth study of the extant and lost manuscripts (Paris, BNF, lat. 5327, Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale 4087-4100, Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 469, Paris, BNF, fr. 17698I, Bibliothèque d'Hérivaux (lost), Bibliothèque de Saint-Bénigne de Dijon (lost)). ; La Visio Bernoldi fait partie d'un groupe de « visions politiques » carolingiennes. Le texte relate le voyage dans l'au-delà, durant une maladie presque fatale, d'un certain Bernold. Plusieurs personnes, parmi lesquelles Charles le Chauve, toutes souffrant à cause de leurs péchés, supplient Bernold de demander à leurs dépendants et amis d'offrir des prières, des aumônes et des messes. Diffusé et commenté par Hincmar de Reims, le texte sert de manière flagrante les intérêts de l'archevêque. Cet article étudie la complexe tradition textuelle de ce texte court mais ...
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In: Les élites et la richesse au Haut Moyen Âge, S. 97-112
This volume is an investigation of how Augustine was received in the Carolingian period, and the elements of his thought which had an impact on Carolingian ideas of 'state', rulership and ethics. It focuses on Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims, authors and political advisers to Charlemagne and to Charles the Bald, respectively. It examines how they used Augustinian political thought and ethics, as manifested in the De civitate Dei, to give more weight to their advice. A comparative approach sheds light on the differences between Charlemagne's reign and that of his grandson. It scrutinizes Alcuin's and Hincmar's discussions of empire, rulership and the moral conduct of political agents during which both drew on the De civitate Dei, although each came away with a different understanding. By means of a philological–historical approach, the book offers a deeper reading and treats the Latin texts as political discourses defined by content and language.
Influences on the "De civitate dei" -- Augustine's stance on worldly rule and his assessment of politically organised communities in the "De civitate dei" -- Concepts of Augustinian political thought -- Dispensatio -- Felix/felicitas and beatus/beatitudo -- Iustitia and pax -- Alcuin's direct use of Augustine in the "Epistolae" -- Alcuin's indirect use of Augustine: his stance on worldly rule and recourse to Augustine's terminology -- Hincmar's direct use of Augustine in the "Epistolae" -- Hincmar's indirect use of Augustine: his "Expositiones ad carolum regem" and "De regis persona et regio ministerio" -- Carolingian political thought c. 800-c. 900 -- Alcuin's and Hincmar's uses of Augustine in the light of changing "state-church" relations.
In: The Community, the Family and the Saint, S. 225-235
The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.tandfebooks.com/doi/view/10.4324/9781351116022, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 licence. DOI https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351116022Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation.This volume is an investigation of how Augustine was received in the Carolingian period, and the elements of his thought which had an impact on Carolingian ideas of 'state', rulership and ethics. It focuses on Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims, authors and political advisers to Charlemagne and to Charles the Bald, respectively. It examines how they used Augustinian political thought and ethics, as manifested in the De civitate Dei, to give more weight to their advice. A comparative approach sheds light on the differences between Charlemagne's reign and that of his grandson. It scrutinizes Alcuin's and Hincmar's discussions of empire, rulership and the moral conduct of political agents during which both drew on the De civitate Dei, although each came away with a different understanding. By means of a philological–historical approach, the book offers a deeper reading and treats the Latin texts as political discourses defined by content and language.
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Gregory the Great's influence in the carolingian times can be traced from Ambrosius Autpertus to the end of the IXth century through many writers. Some works deserved a special attention : some letters from Alcuin, a florilegium in the London British Library Arundel 213, an other florilegium De qualitate futurae ac perpetuae vitae attributed to a mysterious Emmo maybe linked with Guillaume de Gellone, the carolingian legislation through the concilia, Raban Maur, a letter of pope Nicolas I to the byzantine emperor Michel III, Hincmar of Reims in the De cavendis vitiis et virtutibus exercendis, and the breton hagiography of the end of the IXth century. ; L'influence de Grégoire le Grand sur l'époque carolingienne peut être suivie depuis Ambroise Autpert jusqu'à la fin du IXè siècle à travers de nombreux écrivains. Certaines oeuvres méritent une attention spéciale: des lettres d' Alcuin, un florilège conservé dans Londres BL Arundel 213, un autre florilège De qualitate futurae ac perpetuae vitae attribué au mystérieux Emmo peut-être lié à Guillaume de Gellone, la légilsation carolingienne dans les conciles, Raban Maur, une lettre du pape Nicolas Ier à l'empereur Michel III, Hincmar de Reims dans le De cavendis vitiis et virtutibus exercendis et l'hagiographie bretonne de la fin du IXè siècle.
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Gregory the Great's influence in the carolingian times can be traced from Ambrosius Autpertus to the end of the IXth century through many writers. Some works deserved a special attention : some letters from Alcuin, a florilegium in the London British Library Arundel 213, an other florilegium De qualitate futurae ac perpetuae vitae attributed to a mysterious Emmo maybe linked with Guillaume de Gellone, the carolingian legislation through the concilia, Raban Maur, a letter of pope Nicolas I to the byzantine emperor Michel III, Hincmar of Reims in the De cavendis vitiis et virtutibus exercendis, and the breton hagiography of the end of the IXth century. ; L'influence de Grégoire le Grand sur l'époque carolingienne peut être suivie depuis Ambroise Autpert jusqu'à la fin du IXè siècle à travers de nombreux écrivains. Certaines oeuvres méritent une attention spéciale: des lettres d' Alcuin, un florilège conservé dans Londres BL Arundel 213, un autre florilège De qualitate futurae ac perpetuae vitae attribué au mystérieux Emmo peut-être lié à Guillaume de Gellone, la légilsation carolingienne dans les conciles, Raban Maur, une lettre du pape Nicolas Ier à l'empereur Michel III, Hincmar de Reims dans le De cavendis vitiis et virtutibus exercendis et l'hagiographie bretonne de la fin du IXè siècle.
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In: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung, Band 108, Heft 1, S. 111-169
ISSN: 2304-4896
Abstract
The Collectio Britannica, compiled in the late 11th century and preserved in only one manuscript (London, BL, Add MS 8873), contains numerous excerpts from papal letters dating from the fifth to the eleventh centuries, including many that are not known from other sources. For a long time it was considered a reliable source, but between the 1940s and 1980s some scholars expressed doubts about the authenticity of various letters found in the Britannica, and even in more recent research the collection is still viewed with suspicion. However, a re-examination of the relevant studies shows that many arguments against the authenticity of the papal letters as found in the Britannica were speculative at best. Most 'suspicious' elements are in fact found only in the extant London copy of the Britannica, not in the version used in the 1090s by Ivo of Chartres and his collaborators. Only in very few cases is there reason to believe that the sections of the Britannica in question contain extracts from forged or falsified papal letters. With the exception of the section on Leo IV, the relevant parts of the Britannica can usually be relied upon to faithfully retain the content, wording, cursus, and even the order of the papal registers on which they are ultimately based.
Content: I. Introduction, The Extant Copy, Why Think the Britannica Draws on Registers? – II. Possible Manipulations by the Britannica Compiler, p. 121, Sancta octo and the Ecumenicity of Constantinople IV, The Britannica Interpolated by Ivo?, Kuttner's Doubts on JL 5383 and JE 3180, Confusing Nicholas I, Hincmar, and Saint Cyprian, Summary. – III. Much Smoke but Little Fire: Supposed Forged Sources Behind the Britannica, p. 132, Leo's pallium Grant for Hincmar, The Excommunication of the Emperor, A 'Great Stumbling Block': Ullmann and JE 2646, Ullmann on the Letters of Gelasius I, The 'Archbishop of Dol' in JE 3003, Summary. – IV. Chronological Order, p. 149, Gelasius I and Pelagius I, Alexander II, John VIII, Saint Boniface, Urban II, Leo IV (and Stephen V), Summary. – V. Selection Criteria, p. 161. – VI. Conclusions, p. 165
El presente estudio pretende analizar la presencia de autores vinculados al denominado «renacimiento carolingio» en los manuscritos generados en los scriptoria hispanos de los siglos ix al xi, hasta los albores de la penetración de la reforma romana en que se detiene el análisis. Desde Alcuino a Hincmaro de Reims, sus obras se suceden en los manuscritos, aunque en calidad y densidad muy diversas, en función de temas (religiosos, cronísticos, literarios) y de espacios político-culturales (condados catalanes, Pamplona, Castilla, Léon). En ese análisis, se busca una aproximación a los objetivos perseguidos en la copia y a los impulsos ideológicos que pudieran existir tras ellos ; This research aims to analyze the presence of authors linked to the so called «Carolingian Renaissance» in manuscripts generated in Hispanic scriptoria between 9th and 11th Centuries, until the origins of the Roman reform, where the analysis stops. From Alcuin to Hincmar of Reims, their works keep showing up in the manuscripts, although very different in quality and density, depending on the topic (religious, chronicles, literary) and the politic-cultural spaces (Catalonia, Pamplona, Castile, Leon). This analysis seeks an approximation to the objectives pursued in those copies and to the ideological impulses that might have existed behind them
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