Suchergebnisse

In many of its areas, the writing of music history in Germany is characterised by the Romantic music outlook and its "Two-World-Model": the real world is seen as opposing the ideal world of music as a higher existence of ideas and ideals. Art music in the emphatic sense, commonly designated as serious music, pretends to represent that ideal world and makes claims to truthfulness. The science of music actually believes it is able to prove the universality of these claims. A large part of musicological publications are characterised by this assumption. However, a public discussion among musicologists as to whether such writings should belong to the field of theology rather than to historico-critical historiography (as a science in the strict sense) is non-existent. As a result, our field has not only disappeared from a public sphere that wishes to leave those claims to small elitist circles, but has also encountered a growing lack of understanding among other disciplines, even to the point of mockery. It would suffice here to refer to the lawyer Bernhard Weck, who wrote with regard to Beethoven's Opus 112: "Only musicology could prove that 'political ideas of freedom can be expressed through gestures of sound.'" ; У многим својим сегментима, писање историја музике у Немачкој карактерише романтичарска визура и њен "модел два света": реални свет се посматра као супротстављен идеалном свету музике као вишем ступњу постојања идеја и идеала. Уметничка музика у изворном смислу, обично означена термином "озбиљна музика", претвара се да представља тај идеалан свет и претендује на истинитост. Наука о музици заиста верује да може да докаже универзалност ових тврдњи. Знатан број музиколошких публикација карактерише ова претпоставка. Међутим, јавна дискусија међу музиколозима о томе да ли такви списи треба да припадају области теологије, а не историјско-критичкој историографији (као науци у строгом смислу) не постоји. Као резултат тога, наше поље није само нестало из јавне сфере, која жели да те тврдње остави малим елитистичким круговима, већ је наишло и на све већи недостатак разумевања међу другим дисциплинама, чак и до тачке ругања. Довољно је да се позовемо на речи адвоката Бернарда Века (Bernhard Weck), који је у вези са Бетовеновим опусом 112 написао: "Само музикологија може доказати да се 'политичке идеје слободе могу изразити звучним гестовима'." ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

Historiography under communism, influenced and often motivated by anti-religious and anti-Catholic presuppositions, has held that the opposition of the Catholic Church to legislation and ideology inspired by liberalism in Croatia at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries was not only conservative, but insisted on the identification of Catholicism and Croathood. Historiography termed this supposed trend derogatively as "clericalism". Strecha argues that the term was a bit too strong, and pleads for the term "political catholicism", which in the Croatian context could be named "Catholic Croathood". The author argues that Strecha's terminological suggestion is not only even more confusing, but that he continues the anti-Catholic prejudices of the established historiography. He shows how Strecha simply repeats previously reached conclusions, which were simply repetitions of the anti-Catholic stances of the time. (SOI : CSP: S. 186)

In his first review of Korunic's position published in an earlier issue of the Journal, the autor tried to show how Korunic fails to base his assessment of the early Croat nationalism of the 19th century on historical sources and how he changes his appraisal of the ideology of yugoslavism and the ideas of federalism and confederalism in political programs of the Croatian Revival Movement (so-called Illyrian Movement) and the National Party. The author thinks that Korunic's methodology reflects a new not yet well established trend in historiography of basing historical evaluations on slightly modified sources. Thus, instead of discussing the complex problems of Croatian history, Korunic and other representatives of this new trend force the issue of establishing the exact factography and by singling out of certain authors create an unhealthy atmosphere in Croatian historiography. Korunic renounced his previously held assessment of the presence of Yugoslav idea in the Croatian history of the 19th century, which creates an atmosphere where it is not easy to begin a discussion about historiography in former Yugoslavia. (SOI : CSP: S. 514f.)

The standard view of Croatian and Yugoslav historiography holds that the Catholic Church in the Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945) in general collaborated with the Ustasha-regime and supported its policies of persecutions and forced conversions. The author submits those assessments to a critical review, reexamining the documents and their standard interpretations. He concludes that a major reassessment of historiography regarding the role of the Church during the war is needed. While only pointing to major misrepresentations, the author provides basic elements for a new evaluation of the Church's role in the political turmoil during the World War II. (SOI : CSP: S. 474)

This article deals with the issues of self-determination and multiethnic regionalisms in Dalmatia, Istria and Vojvodina - historic regions of today's Croatia and Serbia. The main aim is to explain the outcomes of regionalisms since 1990. The article analyses three important elements of regionalist mobilisation - the use of historiography, regional economic specificities and intergroup relations. Particular constellations of self-determination claims based on plurinational and multinational principles in the cases of Istria and Vojvodina respectively are the key theoretical contribution of the article. The article also finds that the lack of success of Dalmatian regionalism is largely due to the inability of regionalist parties to address multiple cleavages on the territory of Dalmatia. Adapted from the source document.

The author approaches Malcolm's book analytically and synthetically. The strength of Malcolm's book lies in the fact that it is not burdened with controversies of the Balkan historiography and chauvinistic mentality. Malcolm succeeded in demystifying the Kosovo battle (1389) and the "Great Migration of Serbs" (1689), the themes that Serbian historiography is burdened with. Malcom's book successfully exposes the causes of Balkan war, especially of the last one (1991-1999), as a consequence of Serbian hegemonistic ideology and policy. Malcolm's book will help both Serbian and Albanian historians to abandon a romantic approach in writing their histories. However, author could not aree with some of Malcolm's conclusions, such as assumed lack of oppressive measures of the Ottomans over local population in Kosovo or the argument that there is no Muslim fundamentalism among Albanians because they have an Albanian Christian Democratic Party. Likewise, Malcolm seems to accept the idea that there was a process of "albanisation" of Serbs in Kosovo based on the names of certain number of Albanian population, while at the same time denies that there was an identical process in the opposite direction. The reason for this confusion probably lies in the fact that Malcolm overlooks that it is a question of "albanisation" of Vlachs and not of Serbs. Inspite of these shortcomings. the autor highly recommends the book. (SOI : CSP: S. 571)

In the present paper the author continues his critical evaluation of both historiographic and journalistic works published between the second half of 1978 and the end of February 1997 about the history of Freemasonry in Croatian terrritories. In the beginning of this period journalistic contributions were more numerous, but in recent years, with a few exceptions, the papers belonging to historiography are predominant. The authors of the latter papers are Josip Kolanovic, Ljubo Antic, Ante Duplancic and Ivo Pederin. (SOI : CSP: S. 286)

Once a strong group, the Hungarians are now a relatively small minority in Croatia. Their absence is particularly noticeable in the Bjelovar region, where they once lived mixed with Croatian, Serbian, and German communities. The partisans conditioned their remaining in that region with their joining of the partisan movement. Since the Hungarians did not feel that the partisan cause was theirs, they were expelled from the Bjelovar region. This was another tabu theme of historiography hence, this article represents the first attempt at its exploration. (SOI : CSP: S. 136)

The author attempts to introduce a new theme in Croatian historiography by pointing to the problems he encountered with sources and literature. The fundamental problem is that the primary documents arc predominantly from one side in the conflict, the Yugoslav secrete service (UDBA). The problem is augmented by the fact that those sources consist of studies made during the sixties, based on recollections of participants in the period 1945-1950, whereas there are very few documents from the period of struggle with the Crusaders. The very real problem is the absence of documents by Crusaders themselves, which makes the verification of the documents of the victorious side very difficult. The literature, not abundant, produced by participants of the sides in conflict, is not very useful for research. (SOI : CSP: S. 28)

The author continues his research work on Croatian constitutional tradition. This tradition includes the system of national values on which Croatian politicians in the l9th century founded their national programs. Therefore, the author tries to analyze the basic values and structures included in that tradition, to explore its genesis, and to investigate its historical influence on the development of political and social life in Croatia. In his opinion, other authors did not consider this tradition either a "dogma" or an "ideology", as the recent historiography puts it, because here the legal and sociopolitical values, on which the new political, state and social system is founded, are in question. Out of abundant researches on that subject, the author singles out only the analysis of the "Address" which Croatian Parliament, after a long discussion, brought in 1861 as its most important document, i.e. as the national program which was presented to the king in the form of demands. (SOI : CSP: S. 267f.)

Already during the existence of first Yugoslavia, there occurred the secession of Boka Kotorska from Dalmatia, i. e. Croatia. During the entire World War II, the expression "Montenegro and Boka Kotorska" was in use, but towards the end of WW II "Boka Kotorska" was simply dropped from the syntagma. This was accompanied by all sorts of pressures on Croatian populace there. There are numerous cases of imprisonments and murders of Croats from Boka at the end of war and during the immediate years after. The fate of Oslav Smodlaka, a photographer from Tivat, best illustrates the difficulties that Croats experienced there. Smodlaka was recognized by historiography as a Croat assassinated at the end of war. Actually, he was killed in 1949. Simply because he refused to relocate, he was declared state enemy, tortured to the point of turning gray in one single night, and finally killed. He left a spouse and an eleven-month daughter. The fate of O. Smodlaka served as a disciplining measure for the rest of Croats in Boka, who lived under a permanent fear and oppression. (SOI : CSP: S. 385)

Up to the Second World War, most women worked at low paying, low skill agricultural and industrial jobs. But women could also be found working in higher qualified professions, especially those that were traditionally allotted to them in society, such as those in the fields of education, social welfare, nursing, and the creative arts. Organizations concerned with women's emancipation reflected the different socio-economic and educational level of working women. Such organizations as the professional union of healthcare workers, for example, declared themselves to be apolitical but they became increasingly involved in union activities and politics in the period before the Second World War. On the other hand, other working women's organizations kept their demands strictly limited to economic or narrowly professional matters. According to the historiography, rural women who were poorer and less educated were subject to proletarianization in urban areas, at the same time, however, they had opportunities to participate in relatively creative activities. These activities went beyond the framework of their everyday domestic lives. For example, they worked at cottage industries and could sell these products at the market place, which supplemented domestic income. (SOI : CSP: S. 503)

Contrary to the presuppositions of historiography in former Yugoslavia, the author argues that one of the greatest problems in the relationship between Church and State in the NDH was the issue of conversions. The Catholic Church stood firmly on the principle that no one can be admitted into the Church unless he or she demands admittance free of all pressures and interferences. Likewise, the Church disagreed with the government that it can meddle in the area of conversions, the terrain the Church considered exclusively its own. Bishop Jerome Mileta of Sibenik Diocese is one of the most illustrative examples of that attitude of the Church. The author brings forth for the first time documents which shed new light on the issue of "conversions" in that diocese. (SOI : CSP: S. 248) + The question of religious conversions has always been a thorny issue in the Balkan territory, because it is often confused with the issue of nationality. The problem of religious conversions in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) (1941-1945) was no exception. Soon after its foundation, the newly established government issued laws, which abolished existing ones pertaining to religious conversions and allowed conversions to one of the "legally recognized religions". Even though it is not explicitely mentioned, the aim of the law was to allow "conversions" of the Orthodox to Protestantism, Islam or Catholicism, since the government believed that the traditionally strong opposition to the Croatian state of that segment of the population greatly depended on the influence of the Serbian Orthodox Church on it