Privatne skole i obrazovna politika u Hrvatskoj
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 6, Heft 3-4, S. 269-278
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 6, Heft 3-4, S. 269-278
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 16, Heft 2
ISSN: 1845-6014
In: Politicka misao, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 58-89
This article is about those young people who find themselves at one of the most uncertain life junctures -- the transition from the educational system to the employment system. In Croatia, both systems suffer from flaws that may mean a plethora of difficulties for young people in the process of their social integration. The dropouts from the educational system are in the worst position, since the data show they will have the hardest time in finding a satisfactory (or an adequate) job. Several groups of young people are particularly at risk here: underachievers at school, those with a lower socioeconomic status, ie, impoverished young people who live in war-ravaged areas & who most probably were eyewitnesses & victims of wartime atrocities & hardship, persons with mental & psychological handicaps, & young Romanis. Despite the evident shortcomings of the Croatian educational system, it turns out that each generation is on the average more educated than the previous one. An analysis of the educational composition of the Croatian population has identified certain significant changes & the emergence of certain new developments, the most intriguing of which is the inferior educational performance of men. The increased unemployment rate is a consequence of the problems besetting the Croatian society, exacerbated by the structural economic crisis. The unemployment of young people has some specific consequences that, due to their long-term effects, prevent young people to assume an active role in the society. An analysis of the basic statistical indicators regarding the unemployment of young people, of the consequences of their unemployment & of the methods of its reduction, point to the weakest spot in the treatment of young people by the Croatian system of employment. The article also brings a brief review of youth-centered policies, as stated in the national program for youth-related activities that was published in the form of a study by the national institute for the protection of family, motherhood & young people at the beginning of 2003. The national program underscores the importance of government commitment & guidance in education, employment, & social policy concerning young people. 5 Tables, 3 Graphs, 62 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 127-144
The author thematizes several aspects of political education. First, he describes the attitude of the two foremost international associations for political science (APSA & IPSA) toward political education & shows how political education, from the perspective of political science, can be perceived in two ways: as a field of application & as a field of scientific interest. He goes on to list the main reasons for the revival of interest in political education in the last 10-15 years that has resulted in the acceptance of political education as an essential component of school systems in most democratic states. The author is particularly interested in the manner in which political education within school systems is institutionalized. Based on insights into existing practices, the author offers a classification with four basic models -- political education by means of a hidden curriculum; as an educational principle; as a segment of the integrated social education; & as a separate subject. Using this classification, the author analyzed the existing models of political education in 26 European states. Results show that the dominant models are the model of the separate subject & the model of the integrated social education. The author thinks that such a choice is the result of the research findings that suggest a greater effectiveness of these two models. 3 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 131-157
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Politicka misao, Band 42, Heft 2, S. 101-112
The article evaluates the implementation process of EU educational policy measures & its effects on the German education system. Yet assessing the output today, current surveys show a rather fragile level of identification & particularly a lack of information. On the basis of a three-level analysis the article argues that the reasons for the failure of the German education system to deliver sufficient information about the integration process at school are to be found within various stages of the implementation process. This argumentation contrasts the Liberal intergovernmentalist premise of nationally protected educational systems & its negation of deliberative loyalty transfer. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Razvoj - development, international: journal of problems of socio-economic development, developing countries and international relations, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 109-119
ISSN: 0352-8553
In: Politicka misao, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 121-128
The author compares the new law on higher education with the program demanded by the Croatian Social-Liberal Party. This is a two-level comparison: a direct comparison of excerpts from the text & the articles of the law, & an indirect comparison of fundamental principles & general policies. The law plays lip service to the requirements for private universities, autonomy, & ideological neutrality. In implementation of the law, the procedures as well as the law itself have been contravened. This is illustrated by a detailed outline of the unsatisfactory provisions of the law & the U of Zagreb statute regarding students. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 121-128
The author compares the new law on higher education with the program demanded by the Croatian Social-Liberal Party. This is a two-level comparison: a direct comparison of excerpts from the text & the articles of the law, & an indirect comparison of fundamental principles & general policies. The law plays lip service to the requirements for private universities, autonomy, & ideological neutrality. In implementation of the law, the procedures as well as the law itself have been contravened. This is illustrated by a detailed outline of the unsatisfactory provisions of the law & the U of Zagreb statute regarding students. Adapted from the source document.
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 105-117
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Politicka misao, Band 42, Heft 2, S. 77-100
In this paper the author uses the analysis of a concrete case -- the introduction of political education into England's school system -- to describe the scientific, professional & political debates surrounding the status of school political education in schools in democratic states. Based on this analysis he concludes that England's case unmistakably proves that the proposals regarding the introduction of the new political education syllabuses, regardless of their quality, will invariably fail unless there is a strong political will i.e. the resolve of the political elites to accept & implement them. He also concludes that in today's democratic states there is some sort of a consensus on the necessity of the existence of this segment of education as an essential component of school systems. The consensus is based on the understanding that the future of democratic political systems to a large extent depends on the existence of citizens who possess the knowledge, attitudes & capabilities necessary for their informed & responsible inclusion in the process of political decision-making. The author thinks that the analysis embarked on in this paper might serve as an incentive for the actualization of the debate on the present status, scope, models & contents of political education in Croatian schools. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 275-291
ISSN: 1845-6014
In: Politicka misao, Band 51, Heft 1
The article presents the history of public policy, understood as one of political science subfields, as it has manifested itself in the journal Politicka misao, in the period from 1964 to 2013. On the basis of analyzed texts on the subject of public policy, the author constructs three periods of the history of the subdiscipline in the journal. The first period can be labeled the prehistory of the subdiscipline, when public policies were relatively rarely researched and without distinctive metavocabulary which later defined that area of research. The constitution of the subdiscipline and (post)war calm, which can partially be attributed to 'natural' domination of other research interests in transitional restructuring of political order, are placed in the second period of the development of the discipline (2000-2013). The last period (2000-2013) is characterized by further development of the subdiscipline, proliferation of research themes, theoretical approaches and researched policy areas. However, the author contends that it is also marked by the lack of consolidation. Besides discussing various methodological caveats that come as necessary in the task of writing a 'Whig' history of the subdiscipline, the article also tackles its future: in concluding normative projections, it surges out of the text into the social and political context of policy studies and analysis in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.
Promatrajući habsburšku obrazovnu politiku prema mađarskom i hrvatskom plemstvu 1760-ih kroz perspektivu bečkog suda, autorica analizira pokušaje bečkog dvora da nadvlada suprotstavljene interese tradicionalnih struktura vlasti i protomoderne države. Kako je Habsburška Monarhija preuzimala kontrolu nad obrazovanjem u drugoj polovici 18. stoljeća, obrazovanje se usmjeravalo na sadržaje koji favoriziraju interese vladarskog suverena te pokušaji "političkog discipliniranja" postaju sastavni dio nastavnog materijala. Te su tendencije postale osobito istaknute u reformi pravnog obrazovanja kroz koje se tada definiraju odnosi između vladara i staleža, između države i njezinih stanovnika, kao i prava i obveze političkih subjekata, s naglaskom na značenje javnog dobra, blagostanja i potreba vremena. Obrazovna politika bečkog dvora u 1760-ima predstavljala je preokret u povijesti pravnog obrazovanja u Mađarskoj i Hrvatskoj, kao i razdoblje utvrđivanja novih obrazovnih standarda za javne službenike. ; Examining the Habsburg educational policy towards the Hungarian and Croatian nobility in the 1760s through the perspective of the Vienna Court the author analyses the Court's attempts to overcome conflicting interests of the traditional structures of the estates and the proto-modern state. With the Vienna Court assuming control over education in the second half of the 18th century, tendencies began to appear focusing education on contents that favour the interests of the ruler's sovereignty and attempts to 'politically discipline' become a constituent part of teaching material. These tendencies became especially prominent in the reform of legal education through which relations between the ruler and the estates, between the state and its inhabitants as well as the rights and obligations of political subjects were defined, with emphasis on the meaning of public good, prosperity and necessities of time. The Vienna Court's education policy in the 1760s presented a turnabout in the history of legal education in Hungary and Croatia and a period of assertion of new educational standards for public servants.
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