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The purpose of this paper is to study the implication of Act No. 4 of 1950 on Teaching Fundamentals of Elementary School, Middle School, and Higher Education and its implementation to history teachings. This act was the first national formal bill on education policies, passed under the government of Mr. Asaat, the state president of the Republic of Indonesia. Although the state president was the one that created this act, the implementation of the system was introduced to all the other states of the country. This practice was considered uncommon in the state administration of Indonesia. Act No. 4 of 1950 contains the elementary educational purposes to provide students with fundamental knowledge, skills, and wisdom to develop their talent and interest for elementary students. While intermediate education assists the students to prepare for higher education, as well as cultivating experts in various fields according to their talents and fulfilling what society demands. The curriculum in higher education was created to prepare the students to become the future leaders of the society and provide them with the knowledge to conserve and develop the science and livelihood of the society. Act No. 4 of 1950 also influenced how history education goes. History should be able to be implemented into a learning process that can elevate the knowledge and cultivate a sense of nationalism in the youth generation of Indonesia

The political changes in China since 1976 brought about a renewal of official policy in terms of history that has led to the publication of new sources on the history of the first People's China. For the most part, they concern documentary collections, biographies, memoires and first-hand testimonies of all sorts, among which the most revealing are those from the leaders' wives and children, and the more recent ones of the victims of calamities. Although most of them can be placed within the official Vulgate, these sources provide incontestable progress in the knowledge of the history of the Chinese regime, of the society formed by its leaders and of some of the local dissent. ; Les changements politiques intervenus en Chine depuis 1976 ont entraîné un renouvellement de la politique officielle en matière historique qui a favorisé la publication de nouvelles sources sur l'histoire de la première Chine populaire. Pour l'essentiel, il s'agit de recueils documentaires, de biographies, de mémoires et de témoignages de toutes sortes, parmi lesquels les plus novateurs sont ceux des épouses et des enfants de dirigeants, et ceux plus récents de victimes des calamités. Bien que la plupart d'entre elles se situent à l'intérieur de la vulgate officielle, ces sources autorisent des progrès incontestables dans la connaissance de l'histoire du régime chinois, de la société formée par ses chefs et de certaines dissidences locales.

The political changes in China since 1976 brought about a renewal of official policy in terms of history that has led to the publication of new sources on the history of the first People's China. For the most part, they concern documentary collections, biographies, memoires and first-hand testimonies of all sorts, among which the most revealing are those from the leaders' wives and children, and the more recent ones of the victims of calamities. Although most of them can be placed within the official Vulgate, these sources provide incontestable progress in the knowledge of the history of the Chinese regime, of the society formed by its leaders and of some of the local dissent. ; Les changements politiques intervenus en Chine depuis 1976 ont entraîné un renouvellement de la politique officielle en matière historique qui a favorisé la publication de nouvelles sources sur l'histoire de la première Chine populaire. Pour l'essentiel, il s'agit de recueils documentaires, de biographies, de mémoires et de témoignages de toutes sortes, parmi lesquels les plus novateurs sont ceux des épouses et des enfants de dirigeants, et ceux plus récents de victimes des calamités. Bien que la plupart d'entre elles se situent à l'intérieur de la vulgate officielle, ces sources autorisent des progrès incontestables dans la connaissance de l'histoire du régime chinois, de la société formée par ses chefs et de certaines dissidences locales.

The political changes in China since 1976 brought about a renewal of official policy in terms of history that has led to the publication of new sources on the history of the first People's China. For the most part, they concern documentary collections, biographies, memoires and first-hand testimonies of all sorts, among which the most revealing are those from the leaders' wives and children, and the more recent ones of the victims of calamities. Although most of them can be placed within the official Vulgate, these sources provide incontestable progress in the knowledge of the history of the Chinese regime, of the society formed by its leaders and of some of the local dissent. ; Les changements politiques intervenus en Chine depuis 1976 ont entraîné un renouvellement de la politique officielle en matière historique qui a favorisé la publication de nouvelles sources sur l'histoire de la première Chine populaire. Pour l'essentiel, il s'agit de recueils documentaires, de biographies, de mémoires et de témoignages de toutes sortes, parmi lesquels les plus novateurs sont ceux des épouses et des enfants de dirigeants, et ceux plus récents de victimes des calamités. Bien que la plupart d'entre elles se situent à l'intérieur de la vulgate officielle, ces sources autorisent des progrès incontestables dans la connaissance de l'histoire du régime chinois, de la société formée par ses chefs et de certaines dissidences locales.

This bold collection of essays demonstrates the necessity of understanding fascism in cultural terms rather than only or even primarily in terms of political structures and events. Contributors from history, literature, film, art history, and anthropology describe a culture of fascism in Japan in the decades preceding the end of the Asia-Pacific War. In so doing, they challenge past scholarship, which has generally rejected descriptions of pre-1945 Japan as fascist. The contributors explain how a fascist ideology was diffused throughout Japanese culture via literature, popular culture, film, design, and everyday discourse. Alan Tansman's introduction places the essays in historical context and situates them in relation to previous scholarly inquiries into the existence of fascism in Japan. Several contributors examine how fascism was understood in the 1930s by, for example, influential theorists, an antifascist literary group, and leading intellectuals responding to capitalist modernization. Others explore the idea that fascism's solution to alienation and exploitation lay in efforts to beautify work, the workplace, and everyday life. Still others analyze the realization of and limits to fascist aesthetics in film, memorial design, architecture, animal imagery, a military museum, and a national exposition. Contributors also assess both manifestations of and resistance to fascist ideology in the work of renowned authors including the Nobel-prize-winning novelist and short-story writer Kawabata Yasunari and the mystery writers Edogawa Ranpo and Hamao Shirō. In the work of these final two, the tropes of sexual perversity and paranoia open a new perspective on fascist culture. This volume makes Japanese fascism available as a critical point of comparison for scholars of fascism worldwide. The concluding essay models such work by comparing Spanish and Japanese fascisms. Contributors. Noriko Aso, Michael Baskett, Kim Brandt, Nina Cornyetz, Kevin M. Doak, James Dorsey, Aaron Gerow, Harry Harootunian, Marilyn Ivy, Angus Lockyer, Jim Reichert, Jonathan Reynolds, Ellen Schattschneider, Aaron Skabelund, Akiko Takenaka, Alan Tansman, Richard Torrance, Keith Vincent, Alejandro Yarza

Both classicists and historians of Fascism have discussed at length how, in Fascist Italy, the nationalist myth of ancient Rome was used as a totalitarian ideology in order to legitimise racist and imperialist politics. Integrating their analysis with the history of political uses of Etruscan identity under Fascism can prove useful to enlighten the history of Italian nationalism and racism. In fact, the Etruscans were historically associated with a regional identity, and memorialised as enemies of Rome. Since the modern age, uncertainties about their ethnic origins and the interpretation of their language prompted an international debate between different racial theories. In Fascist Italy, the Etruscans were widely considered as autochthonous people, ethnically and culturally similar to the Italic and Roman people. They were also depicted as the direct racial forefathers of modern Italians and Tuscans. The regionalist, nationalist and racist enhancement of the Etruscan civilisation under Fascism clearly emerged in modern art, literature, and certainly from historiography, archaeology and anthropology. Nonetheless, as the Fascist regime aligned itself with Nazi Germany, the representation of the Etruscans as the ancestors of the Italian and Tuscan race had to face new racial theories. A complex debate between Italian and German racists concerned the Etruscans as a potentially alien body within the Italian race. After the fall of the Fascist regime and the end of the war, Italian scholars avoided to admit their political responsibilities, and pursued their nationalist approach ; Les antiquisants et les historiens du fascisme ont étudié le mythe nationaliste de la romanité en tant qu'élément central du régime fasciste et de son idéologie impérialiste et raciste. On se sert ici de leur analyse pour faire l'histoire des utilisations politiques de l'identité étrusque sous le fascisme. Le cas des Étrusques, anciens ennemis de Rome et historiquement associés à une identité régionale, peut éclairer le fonctionnement du ...

Both classicists and historians of Fascism have discussed at length how, in Fascist Italy, the nationalist myth of ancient Rome was used as a totalitarian ideology in order to legitimise racist and imperialist politics. Integrating their analysis with the history of political uses of Etruscan identity under Fascism can prove useful to enlighten the history of Italian nationalism and racism. In fact, the Etruscans were historically associated with a regional identity, and memorialised as enemies of Rome. Since the modern age, uncertainties about their ethnic origins and the interpretation of their language prompted an international debate between different racial theories. In Fascist Italy, the Etruscans were widely considered as autochthonous people, ethnically and culturally similar to the Italic and Roman people. They were also depicted as the direct racial forefathers of modern Italians and Tuscans. The regionalist, nationalist and racist enhancement of the Etruscan civilisation under Fascism clearly emerged in modern art, literature, and certainly from historiography, archaeology and anthropology. Nonetheless, as the Fascist regime aligned itself with Nazi Germany, the representation of the Etruscans as the ancestors of the Italian and Tuscan race had to face new racial theories. A complex debate between Italian and German racists concerned the Etruscans as a potentially alien body within the Italian race. After the fall of the Fascist regime and the end of the war, Italian scholars avoided to admit their political responsibilities, and pursued their nationalist approach ; Les antiquisants et les historiens du fascisme ont étudié le mythe nationaliste de la romanité en tant qu'élément central du régime fasciste et de son idéologie impérialiste et raciste. On se sert ici de leur analyse pour faire l'histoire des utilisations politiques de l'identité étrusque sous le fascisme. Le cas des Étrusques, anciens ennemis de Rome et historiquement associés à une identité régionale, peut éclairer le fonctionnement du ...

This bold collection of essays demonstrates the necessity of understanding fascism in cultural terms rather than only or even primarily in terms of political structures and events. Contributors from history, literature, film, art history, and anthropology describe a culture of fascism in Japan in the decades preceding the end of the Asia-Pacific War. In so doing, they challenge past scholarship, which has generally rejected descriptions of pre-1945 Japan as fascist. The contributors explain how a fascist ideology was diffused throughout Japanese culture via literature, popular culture, film, design, and everyday discourse. Alan Tansman's introduction places the essays in historical context and situates them in relation to previous scholarly inquiries into the existence of fascism in Japan. Several contributors examine how fascism was understood in the 1930s by, for example, influential theorists, an antifascist literary group, and leading intellectuals responding to capitalist modernization. Others explore the idea that fascism's solution to alienation and exploitation lay in efforts to beautify work, the workplace, and everyday life. Still others analyze the realization of and limits to fascist aesthetics in film, memorial design, architecture, animal imagery, a military museum, and a national exposition. Contributors also assess both manifestations of and resistance to fascist ideology in the work of renowned authors including the Nobel-prize-winning novelist and short-story writer Kawabata Yasunari and the mystery writers Edogawa Ranpo and Hamao Shirō. In the work of these final two, the tropes of sexual perversity and paranoia open a new perspective on fascist culture. This volume makes Japanese fascism available as a critical point of comparison for scholars of fascism worldwide. The concluding essay models such work by comparing Spanish and Japanese fascisms. Contributors. Noriko Aso, Michael Baskett, Kim Brandt, Nina Cornyetz, Kevin M. Doak, James Dorsey, Aaron Gerow, Harry Harootunian, Marilyn Ivy, Angus Lockyer, Jim Reichert, Jonathan Reynolds, Ellen Schattschneider, Aaron Skabelund, Akiko Takenaka, Alan Tansman, Richard Torrance, Keith Vincent, Alejandro Yarza

This study, the first of its kind in English, presents an overview of Slovak intellectual history in the 19th century, including the debates surrounding the memorandum of 1861, the political stagnation of the 1880s, characterized by an increasingly Russophile orientation, and, finally, Czechoslovakism as the way to common independence with the Czechs. The selected portraits of six intellectuals and politicians should be seen as a prism through which Slovak intellectual history appears in its various facets. The 'narodovci' (the pioneers of national awakening) tried to strengthen the Slovak nation in its attempts to secure the autonomy of its language and culture, and prevent assimilation by the Hungarians—which was a political issue. Some took part in the 1848 revolution, pursuing the goal of an autonomous Slovak district within the Habsburg Empire, while others opted for a modus vivendi with the ruling Hungarians. A third possibility was sovereignty, a common independent state with the Czechs. An introductory chapter deals with the political problem of assimilation and group rights in 19th-century Slovakia. The analytical chapters focus on the intellectual discourse of the time, specifically on the influence of Western political ideas such as liberalism, constitutionalism, cultural rights, and nationalism. A further focus is on Slavic political ideas, such as the Slavic Renaissance, Slavic mutuality, and Panslavism. The volume is addressed to students of history, politics, and political theory and offers a unique insight into the political past of a young EU state whose recent language laws have drawn repeated international criticism. The author hopes that her analysis will help improve understanding of current Slovak politics