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Introduction -- History, politics and concept of the RTD -- The jurisprudence of the RTD -- The declaration and the working groups -- The legal status of the RTD in public international law -- The nature and extent of the realization of the RTD in Pakistan -- Reconceptualizing the RTD in Islamic law -- Pakistan's poverty-reduction strategy and the RTD --Conclusion.

Responding to problematic drug use in Russia, the government promotes a policy of 'zero tolerance' for drug use and 'social pressure' against people who use drugs (PWUD), rejecting effective drug treatment and harm reduction measures. In order to assess Russian drug policy against the UN Convention Against Torture and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, we reviewed published data from government and non-governmental organizations, scientific publications, media reports, and interviews with PWUD. The government intentionally subjects approximately 1.7 million people to pain, suffering, and humiliation. Aimed at punishing people for using drugs and coercing people into abstinence, the official drug policy disregards the chronic nature of drug dependence. It also ignores the ineffectiveness of punitive measures in achieving the purposes for which they are officially used, that is, public safety and public health. Simultaneously, the government impedes measures that would eliminate the pain and suffering of DDP, prevent infectious diseases, and lower mortality, which amount to systematic violations of Russia's human rights obligations. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on books by (1) Frances Nicholson & Patrick Twomey (Eds), Refugee Rights and Realities: Evolving International Concepts and Regimes (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1999); (2) Tony Kushner & Katherine Knox, Refugees in an Age of Genocide (London/Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1999); & (3) Jeremy Harding, The Uninvited: Refugees at the Rich Man's Gate (London: Profile Books, 2000). All three works deal directly with the two central challenges that have emerged in the international refugee issue over the 1990s: the expanding definition of refugee & states' resistance to protect large refugee masses. Nicholson & Twomey's edited collection addresses both challenges, with most contributions offering new interpretations of the refugee definition, while the shorter second part covers international & individual state organizations' politicization of the mass refugee issue. Kushner & Knox focus on local receiving communities in Hampshire, England, to illustrate new trends in restrictionist policies, providing historical analyses of various refugee groups, receivers, & integration. Harding presents a general overview of the international debate over definition & state reluctance, drawing on personal experiences with southern European illegal immigrants seeking asylum. All three works are criticized for adding to the continual legal focus on an issue that demands more interdisciplinary treatment. D. Bajo

Thomas Risse y Kathryn Sikkink plantean en este texto la importancia del impacto de las normas internacionales en las políticas domésticas y proponen un "modelo en espiral" en cinco fases para comprender los cambios en la interiorización de los derechos humanos como norma por parte de los estados. Desarrollan una teoría que explica las etapas y los mecanismos a través de los cuales las normas internacionales generan cambios en el comportamiento de los actores internacionales y transnacionales, y que ayuda a comprender mejor el impacto general de las normas en la política internacional. Este proceso mediante el cual las normas internacionales son interiorizadas e implementadas domésticamente puede ser entendido según los autores como un proceso de socialización ; In this article Thomas Risse y Kathryn Sikkink analyze the importance of international norms impact over domestic politics and propose a five phases "spiral model" to explain the changes in human rights internalization by the states. They develop a theoretical framework that explains the stages and mechanisms by which international norms promote changes in international and transnational actors behavior, and that serves to a better comprehension of the general norms impact over international politics. The process by which international norms are internalized and implented on the domestic level can be understood, according to the authors, as a socialization process

What are our unalienable rights and, maybe even more importantly, where do they originate from? If we knew where our rights actually originated from, perhaps we might be able to keep them.

En estos tiempos extraordinarios de pandemia me propongo abordar la imprescindible incorporación en los procesos de enseñanza y aprendizaje del Derecho Internacional Privado de la perspectiva de género, derechos humanos y los feminismos jurídicos, como dimensiones transversales a la formación profesional. Estos ejes devienen estratégicos para contribuir a ampliar el campo de los derechos en la sociedad y, particularmente, comprendiendo y explicando cómo operan las desigualdades estructurales imbricadas a tramas de poder. El objetivo del trabajo será compartir unas reflexiones y propuestas de intervención académica en la Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata, identificando, a través de los lentes violetas del género, dimensiones socio-pedagógicas, éticas y políticas que atraviesan esa trama y la importancia de visibilizarla. ; In these extraordinary times of a pandemic, I propose to address the essential incorporation in the teaching and learning processes of Private International Law, the gender perspective, human rights and legal feminisms, as transversal dimensions to professional training. These axes become strategic to contribute to expanding the field of rights in society, and particularly, understanding and explaining how structural inequalities interwoven with power networks operate. The objective of the work will be to share some reflections and proposals for academic intervention in the Faculty of Legal and Social Sciences of the National University of La Plata, identifying, through the violet lenses of gender, socio-pedagogical, ethical and political dimensions that go through that plot and the importance of making it visible. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

First published online: June 2020 ; This article analyses the extent to which human rights have supported a paradigmatic change in the conception of women's political participation. It describes human rights evolutions after the Second World War as framing a phase in which the lack of women's political participation in conditions of equality was perceived as a matter of equal rights, first under a logic of formal equality and then, as from the eighties and the adoption of CEDAW, as a matter of equal opportunities under a logic of substantive equality. The third section describes the steps that have been taken towards a new paradigm in the world of human rights since the mid-1990s which conceptualizes the absence of women in the public sphere (broadly conceived) in terms of democratic legitimacy and not just of equality (formal or substantive). The fourth section, coinciding more or less with the beginning of the new century, identifies international and, more importantly, regional signs of the consolidation of the framework of parity democracy as a new paradigm through which to assess the importance of the political participation of women.

This paper is about conflicts of rights, & the particularly difficult challenges that such conflicts present when they entail women's equality & claims of cultural recognition. South Africa since 1994 has presented a series of challenging -- but by no means unique -- circumstances many of which entail conflicting claims of rights. The central aim of this paper is to make sense of the idea that the institution of traditional leadership can be sustained -- & indeed given new, more concrete powers -- in a democracy; & to explore the implications that this has for women's equality & equal human rights. This is a particularly pertinent question in the South African context, & I think it is worth reiterating from the outset that there is a distinct impression that women's equality is always "up for grabs" when other, perhaps more powerful interests, come into play, in a way that would be unacceptable for other aspects of identity, & therefore signifiers of equality. It would be inconceivable, for example, to countenance a claim for a hierarchical racial arrangement in a given community, no matter how deeply culturally entrenched that arrangement was, & regardless of how much support it (ostensibly) had from the community concerned. I think therefore that we are obliged to ask difficult questions about the new legislation on traditional leadership, & to put it under the microscope of political theory in assessing the claim that this is one way of recognizing people's rights & freedoms in a new democracy. References. Adapted from the source document.

The Regional Election Commission has the responsibility to increase the participation of disabled voters in local legislative elections. Democratic elections at the local level are characterized by the enthusiasm of disability voters in the election. The purpose of this paper is to map out legislation on the protection and respect of disability voters, to explore some of the constraints facing electoral voters in the election, and to examine the policies and obstacles faced by the The Regional Election Commission in an effort to increase voter participation in disability. This study uses socio-legal research methods, ie research that is interdisciplinary to provide a meeting room between the science of law and the sciences outside the law. The results show that, there are international law and national laws. Barriers facing disability voters include: theoretically there is no uniformity about the disability study; the culture of the people who tend to stigmatize the bad, not counting the right to vote; lack of accurate data of disability voters. The policies made by the The Regional Election Commission in increasing the participation of disability voters are: to implement Article 1 number 25 and Article 149 of Law No. 8 of 2012 on General Election of Members of DPR, DPD and DPRD. While the obstacles, namely: the weakness of family and community awareness; lack of human resources capacity of voter registration officers and data on the List of Potential Voters of Electoral Residents (DP4) does not mention information about disability.