This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.
This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.
This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.
Children who appears to be in the territory of armed conflict, can be divided in two large groups according to the Intenational Law. Firstly, there is children who participate in conflicts directly engaging in combat or act indirectly trough such acts as seeking and sending military information and transporting arms and munitions, they are refered in this master thesis as child soldiers. Next group is known as child civilians, who do not participate in military activities, however, they are still affected by conflict. The international law prohibits recruitment and participation in hostilities of child soldiers. Among others this prohibition brings into focus such issues: the type of participation with which international law is concerned; minimum age of recruitment and the specific situation of children who are 15 to 18 years old; whether there is effective mechanism of implementation; what is the extent of duty upon states, and many more. Also, the possibility of prosecution when the child soldiers seriously violate international criminal law is discussed. Lastly, the short study of three recent armed conflicts where the child soldiers were massively recruited is provided. International law seeks to provide child civilians with protection and care both because children are regarded as a part of the general civilian population and also because children are one of the more vulnerable groups in the population for which internation humanitarian law provides special protection and assistance. Both types of protection are disccused in the work, together, the special status of child prisoner of war is revealed. The main aim of the master thesis is to provide comprehensive study of international law concerning the child in armed conflict.
Children who appears to be in the territory of armed conflict, can be divided in two large groups according to the Intenational Law. Firstly, there is children who participate in conflicts directly engaging in combat or act indirectly trough such acts as seeking and sending military information and transporting arms and munitions, they are refered in this master thesis as child soldiers. Next group is known as child civilians, who do not participate in military activities, however, they are still affected by conflict. The international law prohibits recruitment and participation in hostilities of child soldiers. Among others this prohibition brings into focus such issues: the type of participation with which international law is concerned; minimum age of recruitment and the specific situation of children who are 15 to 18 years old; whether there is effective mechanism of implementation; what is the extent of duty upon states, and many more. Also, the possibility of prosecution when the child soldiers seriously violate international criminal law is discussed. Lastly, the short study of three recent armed conflicts where the child soldiers were massively recruited is provided. International law seeks to provide child civilians with protection and care both because children are regarded as a part of the general civilian population and also because children are one of the more vulnerable groups in the population for which internation humanitarian law provides special protection and assistance. Both types of protection are disccused in the work, together, the special status of child prisoner of war is revealed. The main aim of the master thesis is to provide comprehensive study of international law concerning the child in armed conflict.
The article deals with the development of legal grounds of the European Union common defence policy in a draft Constitution for Europe. In order to identify trends in the legal regulation of the EU common defence policy, the author compares respective provisions of the draft European Constitution and the Treaty on European Union. The key Art. I-40 of the draft Constitution establishing specific provisions for implementing the common security and defence policy provides for significant changes, in comparison with the respective Art. 17 of the Treaty on European Union. Apart from that, the specific provisions of Art. I-40 of the European Constitution are developed by the more detailed provisions on the common security and defence policy which are contained in Section 2, Chapter II, Title V of Part III of the Constitution (from Art. III-210 to Art. III-214 thereof). Most of these provisions are new. However, they are based on the same principles, as stated in Art. 17(1) of the Treaty on European Union and Art. I-11(4), I-15(1) and I-40(1, 2) of the draft Constitution. Namely, under the Constitution, the common defence policy will remain an integral part of the common foreign and security policy and will continue to provide operational capabilities for the Union's external actions in a specific situation when diplomatic and economic actions will be insufficient in order to achieve the common foreign and security policy goals. As previously, the main aim of the common defence policy will be to increase civilian and military capabilities assigned for the implementation of the so-called Petersberg tasks (humanitarian and rescue, peacekeeping, crisis management and peacemaking operations). The draft Constitution also preserves sufficient legal guarantees to ensure compatibility with the activities of the NATO and corresponding legal obligations of a number of Member States. On the other hand, some new provisions of the Constitution can be assessed as the reflection of efforts of some EU countries to make the common defence policy more autonomous with respect to the NATO and the USA. Some of them may even raise a danger of duplication of the NATO's activities. With regard to implementation of the Petersberg tasks, the provisions of the Constitution remains generally unchanged in comparison with those of the Treaty on European Union, except a few provisions updating the Petersberg tasks and strengthening the institutional framework of the common defence policy. The new missions, such as joint disarmament operations, military advice and assistance tasks, conflict prevention and post-conflict stabilisation, were added to the range of Petersberg missions, in order to respond properly to the emerging new threats to the European security. In line with that, the solidarity clause is added by Art. I-42 which obliges the Member States to mobilise all instruments at their disposal in order to prevent terrorist threats and assist each other in case of disasters. The next novelty is that, in addition to the existent institutions of the common defence policy, the draft Constitution provides for the establishment of the European Armaments, Research and Military Capabilities Agency that will be subordinate to the Council of Ministers. Apart from the cooperation in the field of armaments, the Agency will also be responsible for supervision of the implementation by the Member States of their military capability commitments. On the one hand, that could significantly improve the fulfilment of the Union's defence policy objectives. On the other hand, there is a danger that the Agency can serve as one of the means for domination of certain Member States and, as a consequence, it can become a catalyst of different-speed and divided Europe in the field of defence policy. The subsequent novelty provided for in the draft Constitution is the possibility of the structured defence and military cooperation between certain Member States, which might be treated as a specific kind of enhanced cooperation. Despite of possible advantages of increase of the Union's military capability, this kind of cooperation could also result in a deeper division of Member States rather than a desired unity on the defence policy matters. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamos Sutarties dėl Konstitucijos Europai nuostatos, skirtos Europos Sąjungos bendrajai gynybos politikai. Šios nuostatos lyginamos su bendrąją gynybos politiką reglamentuojančiomis galiojančios Europos Sąjungos steigimo sutarties nuostatomis, įtvirtintomis Nicos sutartimi. Išryškinamos pagrindinės Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos teisinio reglamentavimo tendencijos Europos Konstitucijos projekte. Savo išvadoms pagrįsti, be lyginamojo, autorius taip pat taiko sisteminį, istorinį, teleologinį, loginį ir kitus tyrimo metodus. Pagrindinė autoriaus daroma išvada yra ta, kad Europos Konstitucijos projektas numato toliau stiprinti Europos Sąjungos bendrąją gynybos politiką jos autonomiškumo santykiuose su NATO didinimo linkme, nors ir iš esmės nekeičia šios politikos principų. Tokią išvadą lemia naujos, lyginant su galiojančia Europos Sąjungos steigimo sutartimi, Europos Konstitucijos projekto nuostatos, atspindinčios Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos institucijų stiprinimo bei struktūrinio karinio bendradarbiavimo plėtros tendencijas ir nustatančios galimybę valstybėms narėms prisiimti bendros gynybos įsipareigojimus. Pagal Europos Konstitucijos projektą taip pat sudaromos sąlygos Europos Sąjungai perimti visas Vakarų Europos Sąjungos funkcijas ir formaliai likviduoti šią organizaciją. Vis dėlto Europos Konstitucijos projekte išlieka pakankamos teisinės garantijos, kad Europos Sąjungos bendroji gynybos politika nepakeis NATO veiklos ir nepažeis valstybių, NATO narių, įsipareigojimų pagal Šiaurės Atlanto sutartį. Be to, dauguma naujų Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos nuostatų buvo suformuluotos siekiant veiksmingai reaguoti į naujus iššūkius tarptautinei taikai ir saugumui. Straipsnyje trumpai apžvelgiami ir Lietuvos dalyvavimo Europos Sąjungos bendrojoje gynybos politikoje pagrindai pagal nacionalinę teisę. Daroma išvada, kad Lietuvos nacionalinės teisės normos numato pakankamas sąlygas šaliai dalyvauti visose Europos Sąjungos ben-drosios gynybos politikos formose. Kita vertus, Lietuvai politiniu požiūriu gali būti netikslinga palaikyti visas galimas šios politikos raidos tendencijas.
