Suchergebnisse

One of the most characterizing aspects of the "new" political and legal landscape born from the so called "1989 divide" is the emergence of a form of international political morality based on universal principles that challenge the presumed moral supremacy of territorial boundaries and which favour instead the welfare of humanity generally. Moving from recent theory and practice of "humanitarian interventionism", this essay aims at discussing some of the main conceptions of "global humanitarian space" elaborated in contemporary debate on the new political and legal order of the "global age".

This research investigates the camp for migrants as a political-humanitarian device to face immigration. It is claimed that humanitarianism, a theoretical approach and a set of interventions to face the other's suffering, has expanded its domain of action from war context to everyday political life, though without losing its nature: it is an immediate, temporary, and exceptional reaction to face an emergency. In this respect, Italian migration policies offer a fertile field of study, where humanitarianism proposes a way to manage and, at the same time, to understand (a certain kind of) immigration. In the local and actual context, as it used to happen in conflict times, the primary instrument of humanitarian intervention is the camp. It is a space of protection of real or assumed victims (of war or of forced migration) and, yet, of their limitation, not only from a geographical point of view. In this research, the literature on humanitarianism, its development, action and rhetoric, meets with theoretical and empirical studies on present migrant camps in Europe and in particular in Italy, dealing with them from a main socio-legal perspective, but considering them also in philosophical, anthropological, and geographical terms. Theoretical considerations over humanitarian reaction to migration find support in an ethnographic study the author conducted from November 2016 to October 2017 in a Red Cross migrant camp in the town of Como (North of Italy). Spaces within this camp are analysed through the concept of the "service", i.e. the performance of rituals to assist migrants, which embodies the essence of humanitarianism. The observed place represents a model of migrant "humanitarian camp", a conceptual tool to understand and criticize a growing number of alike spaces in Europe.

In the year marking the centenary since the foundation of the Azerbaijani Diplomatic Service, Baku's foreign policy is increasingly characterised by a broader understanding of diplomacy, shaped by the gradual yet steady expansion of both areas and the tools for intervention. Guided by the attempt to develop a 'niche strategy' aiming at safeguarding and promoting Azerbaijani national interest, the Humanitarian Diplomacy emerges as a privileged field for Baku to adopt a pro-active and creative foreign policy. Building upon the debate around the interests behind the aid-providing activities of traditional and emerging donors, the article aims at introducing the motivations and the aims behind Azerbaijani aid policy. In particular, it aims at demonstrating that Baku's Humanitarian Diplomacy aims chiefly at achieving immaterial benefits, having to do with international prestige and with the construction and international projection of a Good International Citizenship.

A report summarizing debates on proposals for European integration at the European Council of Laeken, on the eve of the introduction of the euro. Among issues discussed are the following: European defense & security policy; adding more countries to the EU; interventions (humanitarian & military) in Afghanistan; position on the war against terrorism; the general economic outlook; the Lisbon strategy; employment; sustainable development & quality of life; research & development; consolidation of the European social model; a common asylum & immigration policy; more efficient control of foreign borders; international cooperation in legal & law enforcement matters; foreign policy statements on the Middle East, the western Balkan nations, Africa, & Russia; & cooperation on development matters. 2 Appendixes. J. Sadler

Investigates the events surrounding the bombing of Florence, Italy, in Sept 1943, & the impact on the city's perceived immunity from attack because of its globally recognized cultural & artistic heritage. In 1941, the Prefect of Florence had commissioned a study aimed at declaring the city of Florence a "no-fly zone." But following the attack in 1943, & concerned with the Nazi occupation of the city, the Florentine cultural community mobilized to get German command to officially guarantee the safety of the city. Citing medieval & Enlightenment-era religious doctrine, the final report of the Florentine Open City Committee was published in 1944. Legitimized by Cardinal Elia Dalla Costa's direct intervention at the German consulate, it defined international legal & humanitarian issues during wartime. J. Sadler

Almost all of the robotic weapons used today in war or in military missions require a human operator to make key decisions: they are unmanned systems. The lethal autonomous weapons systems (the so-called killer robots) are weapons programmed to autonomously select their target and decide whether or not to attack without any meaningful human intervention. These lethal autonomous weapons do not yet exist, but the technological developments could afford to produce them incredibly quickly. We describe the main objections advanced against the development and use of these weapons: issues of compliance with international humanitarian law, problems of accountability for fully autonomous weapons, lack of human emotions and empathy, deskilling of the military profession and destabilization of the traditional norms of military virtue and reduction of the war to murder. Behind the most part of these objections to the lethal weapons systems there is the fear that, because of using them, we could irremediably loose our humanity. According to the critics of robot killers, i.e., these are machine whose use in battlefield crosses a fundamental moral line, that we should not overcome if we are still interested in beings humans. We show that these concerns are not justified, because killer robot represent only the last effort of human beings to produce, through technology, tools with which to fight and defeat the enemy.

My PhD dissertation analyzes the reactions of the Holy See as well as of French and Italian Catholics, through a comparative approach, to the events in Vietnam between the second half of 1963 and the first half of 1966. Within this time frame, a series of events would bring the international attention back on Vietnam, while Paul VI would resume the work of the Second Vatican council and lead it to a conclusion, and while both the international system and Western European societies would go through major transformations in their deep structures. Based on my study, I argue that between 1963 and 1966 Vietnam would have been perceived as the scene of three different forms of conflict in the eyes of the Church. A religious war (1963, 'Buddhist crisis'), a potential atomic third world war (1964-1965, Gulf of Tonkin crisis and U.S. full military intervention in Vietnam), and an asymmetric, semi-conventional war that would cause a humanitarian emergency (1965-1966, intense escalation of the war). Each of these forms of conflict would raise specific and delicate issues for the conciliar Church, most of which regarding the relationship between religion and politics. The most pressing of these issues would come to be the legitimacy of the "Just War" doctrine in the atomic age, the need for concrete action in favor of peace on behalf of the whole Church, and primacy of conscience amongst the Catholics. Engaged in a complex and often contradictory internal dialectic, the Church appears to have been divided between the spirit of Vatican II's 'aggiornamento', introduced by John XXIII's magisterium, and the its traditional connection with the West, marked by Pius XII's rigid anticommunism of the Fifties. ; Ma thèse de doctorat examine les réactions du Saint-Siège et, à travers une approche comparative, des catholiques français et italiens aux événements survenus au Viêtnam entre la seconde moitié de 1963 et le premier semestre de 1966. Dans cette période une série d'événements attirerait de nouveau l'attention internationale ...

Over the last twenty years, the adjective 'humanitarian' has been the subject of unprecedented systematic linguistic abuse. It has been used in relation to the most diverse international political situations, the term has been used in order to define, and even more to justify, events which had little or nothing to do with the true meaning of the word. In this manner, politics has taken possession of a word and completely distorted its concept and its moral value, bending it in accordance with its own interests and shamelessly placing it next to its semantic opposite – war. With the end of 20th Century ideologies, the national State fell into crisis and as a consequence so did the organisms and institutions which it had founded. To the eyes of international public opinion, it is therefore difficult to justify a return to the use of arms in order to resolve disputes or in order to authorise intervention of a dubious nature beyond a nation's own borders. It is in precisely this context that man's fundamental rights are torn from their sacred throne in order to be subjected to forms of politico-economic logic which, owing to their assumed absolute nature, should not belong to them. The point, therefore, is to understand whether absolute rights which can be shared by everyone do, in fact, exist, and if so, what to do to protect them. In the meantime, the universalism of rights is used as if it were a skeleton key with which to penetrate public opinion (which is, at this point, global). At the same time, the international institutions which were created and appointed to control and safeguard the inviolable rights of man seem completely to have lost the authority which, however, they should hold. The finding of plausible justifications to delays, the absence of taking a stand and the making of unpopular choices therefore seems to have become the main occupation of an international political class which seems to be walking slowly whilst the rest of the world is running at speed. Are there, however, cases in which a war ...

My PhD dissertation analyzes the reactions of the Holy See as well as of French and Italian Catholics, through a comparative approach, to the events in Vietnam between the second half of 1963 and the first half of 1966. Within this time frame, a series of events would bring the international attention back on Vietnam, while Paul VI would resume the work of the Second Vatican council and lead it to a conclusion, and while both the international system and Western European societies would go through major transformations in their deep structures. Based on my study, I argue that between 1963 and 1966 Vietnam would have been perceived as the scene of three different forms of conflict in the eyes of the Church. A religious war (1963, 'Buddhist crisis'), a potential atomic third world war (1964-1965, Gulf of Tonkin crisis and U.S. full military intervention in Vietnam), and an asymmetric, semi-conventional war that would cause a humanitarian emergency (1965-1966, intense escalation of the war). Each of these forms of conflict would raise specific and delicate issues for the conciliar Church, most of which regarding the relationship between religion and politics. The most pressing of these issues would come to be the legitimacy of the "Just War" doctrine in the atomic age, the need for concrete action in favor of peace on behalf of the whole Church, and primacy of conscience amongst the Catholics. Engaged in a complex and often contradictory internal dialectic, the Church appears to have been divided between the spirit of Vatican II's 'aggiornamento', introduced by John XXIII's magisterium, and the its traditional connection with the West, marked by Pius XII's rigid anticommunism of the Fifties. ; Ma thèse de doctorat examine les réactions du Saint-Siège et, à travers une approche comparative, des catholiques français et italiens aux événements survenus au Viêtnam entre la seconde moitié de 1963 et le premier semestre de 1966. Dans cette période une série d'événements attirerait de nouveau l'attention internationale sur le Viêtnam, alors que Paul VI reprenait les travaux du concile Vatican II et les menait à terme. En même temps, le système international et les sociétés de l'Europe occidentale connaissaient des transformations majeures dans leurs structures profondes. Entre 1963 et 1966 le Viêtnam semble avoir été perçu par l'Église comme le théâtre de trois formes différentes de conflit : une guerre de religion (1963, « crise bouddhiste »), une éventuelle troisième guerre mondiale atomique (1964-1965, crise du golfe du Tonkin et intervention armée des États-Unis contre le FLN et le Viêtnam du Nord), une guerre demi-conventionnelle asymétrique qui provoqua une urgence humanitaire (1965-1966, intense escalade). Chacune de ces formes souleva des questions spécifiques et délicates aux yeux de l'Église conciliaire, dont la plupart intéressaient les rapports entre religion et politique. Les questions les plus pressantes concernaient la légitimité de la « guerre juste » à l'âge atomique, la nécessité d'une action concrète de l'Église en faveur de la paix, la primauté de la conscience. Engagée dans une dialectique interne complexe et souvent contradictoire, l'Église semble avoir été divisée entre l'esprit de « l'aggiornamento » de Vatican II, introduit par le magistère de Jean XXIII, et son lien traditionnel avec l'Occident, marqué par le rigide anticommunisme du pontificat de Pie XII des années Cinquante.

RiassuntoIl contributo si concentra sui Gaboye, un insieme di gruppi genealogici minoritari stanziati nei territori somali, e su alcuni snodi storici della loro presenza nel contesto urbano di Hargeysa, la capitale dell'autoproclamatasi Repubblica del Somaliland. Secondo le fonti di epoca coloniale i Gaboye erano oggetto di varie forme di marginalizzazione come l'esclusione dalle istituzioni politiche, la segregazione matrimoniale ed il legame con alcune attività professionali disprezzate e rifiutate dal resto della società. I Gaboye sono un gruppo professionale di basso status, costituiscono un caso analogo ad altri diffusi in numerose società africane ma raramente oggetto di studi specifici. Le varie forme del loro insediamento nella città di Hargeysa sin dal terzo decennio del Novecento hanno inciso profondamente sui processi di trasformazione della loro marginalizzazione. La migrazione dalle zone rurali durante il periodo coloniale ha costituito un momento di svolta. Ad essa sono legate le mobilitazioni dei Gaboye ad Hargeysa che hanno permesso loro di negoziare l'accesso alle medesime strutture socio-politiche fondamentali che regolavano la vita dei gruppi maggioritari. A partire da questo snodo storico, l'articolo ripercorre il loro coinvolgimento nella pianificazione urbana in epoca coloniale e postcoloniale, l'impatto della guerra civile, del collasso delle istituzioni statuali nei territori somali ed il loro accesso all'aiuto umanitario a seguito della pacificazione del Somaliland. Il filo conduttore nella ricostruzione di questa traiettoria storica è il rapporto circolare tra lo spazio costruito della città, le relazioni tra i gruppi gaboye di Hargeysa ed i gruppi maggioritari e le rappresentazioni collettive della loro condizione marginale.Gaboye in Hargeisa: the urban space as a sedimentfor marginalization processesThis article focuses on the Gaboye, a cluster of minority genealogical groups settled in the Somali territories, and on the turning points in the history of their presence in the town of Hargeysa, the capital of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. The written sources of the colonial times described the Gaboye as object of different forms of marginalisation such as the exclusion from political institutions, marriage segregation and the association with some occupational activities despised and forbidden for the members of majority groups. The Gaboye are one of the low status occupational groups diffused in numerous African societies which received limited attention by African studies. After the 1920s, the changing forms of their settlement in Hargeysa deeply affected the transformation of their marginalisation. During colonial times, rural-urban mobility was a turning point. It is linked to the Gaboye's urban-based mobilisations which allowed them to negotiate their access to the same fundamental socio-political institutions which organised the internal life of the majority groups. This article reconstructs what happened after this crucial moment: the effects of colonial and postcolonial interventions of urban planning, the impactof civil war, the collapse of the state in the Somali territories and the Gaboye's access to humanitarian help after the pacification of Somaliland. The analysis of this historical trajectory outlines the interrelationship between the structures of the urban built space, the relations between the Gaboye and the majority groups in Hargeysa, and the collective representations of their marginality.

In Italy, Protection System for Asylum Seekers and Refugees (SPRAR) manages the second reception of forced migrants. This organization was founded by the Bossi-Fini law n. 189/2002 and is composed by the network of local governments, which uses the available resources of National Fund for Asylum Policies and Services provided by Government finance law and managed by the Ministry of Interior. Its principal goal is to realize integrated reception projects for refugees, asylum seekers, subsidiary and humanitarian protection holders in order to ensure their socio-economic inclusion within local contexts in cooperation with voluntary and third sector organizations. On 10th July 2014, local governments were signed an agreement between national and regional executive to create a national reception system to face the growing number of people who have arrived on the Italian coasts. The main goal of this system is to overcome only a material reception (food and lodging), in order to offer a "widespread reception" within urban areas. The strategy is to create an individual project and an accompaniment to ensure the integration of each person in the local community. The services provided consist in inclusion of migrants in the national health and scholastic system, orientation and access to other local services, professional training, job placement, legal assistance and social and housing integration . Indeed, it is crucial to emphasize that the Italian reception system is characterized by extreme fragmentation. Only SPRAR provides these services with the goal of enabling social and economic inclusion of hosted people in local context, which is why we talk about second reception centres. In Italy, there are, however, many different types of first and extraordinary reception centres for migrants . They are managed by the prefectures and differ in terms of goals, structural characteristics, services and receptive capacity. Only 18.7% of migrants are hosted in the SPRAR structures, while the remainder incurs the possibility of carrying out the entire procedure of the asylum application in the centres of first and extraordinary reception (IDOS, 2017). In recent years, the Italian reception structures have undergone a reorganization and redenomination phase, in which the SPRAR should have become a reference standard. In fact, this system has positively distinguished itself for its objectives, the structuring of his interventions and many best practices. This did not prevent bad reception occurrences even within SPRAR structures, as well as a large number of violent and verbal conflicts, some of which carried out by Italian citizens to the detriment of asylum seekers and owners of a status of international protection. These episodes, exacerbated by a political and media discourse that represents migrants as a threat (Battistelli et al., 2016), are the consequence and symbol of the fragmentary and contradictory reception policies adopted at a European level, in the individual countries and at a local level (IDOS, 2016). Instability and political, economic and social uncertainty, rulers in this historical period, are manifested in an emergency approach that is characterized by insufficient planning and a lack of coordination between the reception agencies. This orientation, supported by many and incongruent legislative changes, deprives the system of a strong structure and facilitates the overturning of the same principles of "widespread reception" of migrants in local communities. Moreover, this facilitates the affirmation of nationalist, xenophobic and localist drifts, as well as reception situations in which human rights are violated and which do not provide real opportunities for inclusion in the territories in a safe and dignified manner. Therefore, the conceptual distinction of the terms danger, risk and threat, used as the interpretative line of this work, appears fundamental to understand why subjective responses, in terms of perception and actions, differ according to the situations, as well as to manage the effects that derive in a consistent manner (Battistelli e Galantino, 2018). In order to realize the analysis, I decided to use an ethnographic approach that is traced back to the constructivist philosophical paradigm, where the vision of facts is investigated locally. Ethnographers, indeed, study subjects, artefacts and actions in their interactions, from an interpretative-dialectical point of view, without the claim of absolute objectivity of the results (Piccardo and Benozzo, 1996). Then, I have chosen to use focused narrative interviews because they turn to individuals, they aim for their "understanding", and this is part of the renewed interest in the subject's centrality and in the "deliberately intentional" social action (Weber, 1922). It is also an approach that allows investigating deeply the phenomena. It is very interactive, flexible and able to empathize in the perspective of the subject being studied. This makes it easier to interview marginal subjects neglected by "official knowledge" and to rediscover the social function of research, which is "giving voice to those who do not have it" (Crespi, 1985, pp. 351) In addition, observation and fieldwork are supported by a strong theoretical basis that offers its help to the researcher for the understanding of the social world, providing an order that supports they in their critical analysis of the facts. So, empirical work and theory support each other (Silverman, 2002). Then, narrative approach is highly adaptable to the study of organizations and to analyse the collected data. In fact, this approach is characterized for attention given to concrete situations and not to general theorizations (Czarniawska, 2000). Hence, the empirical research carried out in 2016-2018 can be summarized in the following phases: 1- Analysis of secondary data and documents produced by European and national statistical institutes, private associations, protection bodies and by SPRAR itself. 2- Participant observation in: - a political protest demonstration against the opening of a SPRAR centre in XIII Town Hall, on the north-western suburb of Rome; - nine meetings of social operators working in SPRAR network of Rome and in the national CARA and CAS reception centres; - a SPRAR centre (20 reception places increased to 40 in the south-eastern suburbs of Rome, VII Town Hall). One year of observation and shadowing of operators: 16th January 2017 – 22th January 2018; - a SPRAR apartment (14 reception places for families in the residential area of Monte Sacro neighbourhood, Town Hall III). Five days of observation and shadowing of operators in January 2018; - a seminar of reflection organized by SPRAR and ANCI on the reception system in Lazio, focused on the role of the Regions and Municipalities. 3- Forty-one narrative focused interviews: - Twenty-four SPRAR operators working in SPRAR centres of Rome; - Seventeen asylum seekers and refugees from SPRAR centre observed in Town Hall VII of Rome. The intent behind this ethnographic research started in a restructuring phase aimed to make the SPRAR a reference standard of reception for all asylum seekers who came to our country. But it was characterized, as still today, by speculative situations, the high presence on the territory of large collective reception centres and managing bodies without the necessary experience (Olivieri, 2011; Lunaria 2016). Therefore, the analysis of the risk management and the operators perception of the SPRAR of Rome has the objective to unveil and analyse the contradictions and weaknesses that may arise within this model due to a reckless management that produces specific factors of risk. The hypothesis underlying the case study is that, although the SPRAR has been recognized as an ordinary model, it can also be reproduced in a distorted manner, not respecting the reference guidelines. The alteration between SPRAR in books, the theoretical expression of a principle, and SPRAR in action, its implementation (Pound, 1910), is caused by specific factors that can cause significant effects from several points of view. To bring to light these aspects, closely related to the risk management and the perception that its operators have, I achieve a classification of the risks that I applied to three different types of SPRAR structures (large, medium and single apartment). Then, I identified a series of outcomes involving the people hosted, the operators, the local community and the SPRAR organization itself. The decision to draw the case study at the SPRAR of the city of Rome is driven by the complexity that distinguishes this territory on a social, cultural and political level. In fact, I believe it can bring out the contradictions of the model as new forms of confinement compared to territories with reduced complexity. However, allowing a glimpse of a reception of asylum seekers and holders of a protection status also possible within urban and metropolitan areas. The empirical survey shows that an increase in the distortion compared to the assumptions of an integrated and widespread reception in the territories corresponds to a greater possibility that specific risk factors are produced. Which in their turn, crystallizing into unhealthy forms, can involve the people hosted, the operators, the local community and the SPRAR organization itself. The case study and the application of the risk classification, which I achieved based on the evidence revealed from the field, reveal how the identified risk areas (socio-spatial context, production of the service, recipients) and the corresponding categories, do not produce in itself a negative result. However, this can occur if a short-sighted management acts on these aspects and does not align with the proposed guidelines. Therefore, this classification appears to be a useful tool to identify problems and to develop preventive measures, aimed to improve the management of SPRAR centres in metropolitan cities such as Rome (and other contexts), by intervening on the identified risk categories and reducing the factors that eventually emerge. The analysis, focused on three different types of SPRAR structure (large, medium, single apartment) of the Capital, shows how this alteration occurs in a disruptive way in the large collective centres, the most represented in Rome. Meanwhile, greater adherence to the model is shown, with a modality proportional to the size, in the medium-sized structure and in the apartment. The distortion detected in the large SPRAR collective centres of Rome and partly also in the medium-sized centre, reflects the ambivalence of the general reception system. It promotes on the one hand the principles of a good reception that respects human rights and the autonomy of people and by another implements foreclosure practices and new forms of borders (Vacchiano, 2011; Van Haken, 2008). The field research shows that this happens on different levels due to specific material factors (location and capacity of the centres, management of internal spaces, activation of the services provided, etc.) and through the daily practices of the operators who, in a more or less assenting, controlling and disciplining the people hosted, shape their conduct. Therefore, in the daily life of the structures in which the situations described are involved, the principles of freedom, inclusion and autonomy supported by the rhetoric of reception system are governed by a neoliberal logic of citizenship that suggests the criteria to distinguish, in the same integration paths, who is more worthy than other beneficiaries (Van Haken, 2008). Although the case study highlights strong contradictions and weaknesses that come to life in the implementation of the SPRAR model, it also shows the realization of a good reception. That which, despite being included in an extremely complex context such as Rome, attempts to oppose the "logic of large numbers and profits" of large cooperatives and which implements functional inclusion paths to achieve the objectives. Alignment and consistency with the guidelines and the SPRAR operating manual, in fact, allow the construction of a real project of individualized socio-economic integration for the person hosted. Only by acting in a widespread manner on the territory, in apartments or small centres, the genesis of new forms of borders beyond those already present is avoided. In fact, through this management most of the risks identified are eliminated or at least reduced, precisely because the "trajectory of opportunities" of risk (Reason, 1997) towards unfavourable outcomes generally develops within large collective centres. References Battistelli Fabrizio, Farruggia Francesca, Galantino Maria Grazia and Ricotta Giuseppe. 2016. "Affrontarsi o Confrontarsi? Il "Rischio" Immigrati sulla Stampa Italiana e nella Periferia di Tor Sapienza a Roma". Sicurezza e Scienze Sociali 1:86-112. Battistelli Fabrizio e Galantino Maria Grazia. 2018. "Dangers, Risks and Threats: An Alternative Conceptualization to the Catch-All Concept of Risk". Current Sociology 1-15. Czarniawska Barbara. 2000. Narrare l'organizzazione. La costruzione dell'identità istituzionale. Tr.it. Torino: Edizioni di Comunità. 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