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This volume examines key questions about anonymity, privacy and identity in an environment that increasingly automates the collection of personal information and uses surveillance to reduce corporate and security risks. Privacy and issues of identity are here examined through an interdisciplinary lens, informed by the results of a major research project that brought together a distinguished array of philosophers, ethicists, cognitive scientists, lawyers, cryptographers, engineers, policy analysts, government policy makers and privacy experts

Establishing a sense of identity is a central task in human development. This research pursued questions about how adult, self-identified feminist women conceptualize their identity, the role of feminism in that conceptualization, and the interaction of feminism with race and sexual orientation. Forty women in five geographic regions across the United States were interviewed. The participants were faculty, administrators, classified staff, and graduate students affiliated with a university in the region. The interviews were completed during a week-long visit to each location; each interview lasted from 45 to 75 minutes. Interviews followed a semi-structured format, using a standard protocol. Questions in the interviews asked about the importance of feminism, occupation, relationships, religion, politics, race/ethnicity, and sexual orientation in the women's identities. The connection of feminism to each of the other identity areas was also asked of the participants. The women in this study conceptualized identity as consisting of multiple elements, organized in one of two ways: (a) a whole with multiple parts and (b) a collection of multiple parts. The first is an integrated identity, where all elements are connected to each of the other elements, and the second is a contextual identity, where the connection of elements can depend on situational variables. The multiple identities include traditional categories of occupation, relationships, religion, politics, race, and sexual orientation, but also add other areas such as age, socioeconomic class, avocational interests, and feminism. Women identify themselves as having multiple identities. The way participants in this study view feminism as an identity is organized in four categories: a set of values, a process to make meaning, a contextual identity, and an underlying construct. The categories of feminism vary in the degree to which feminism is connected with other identity elements. Women who view feminism as a set of values speak of it as a set of beliefs or an ideology that may or may not influence other identity areas. The participants who view feminism as a process to make meaning have either an interconnected or contextual view of feminism, with the added element of seeing feminism as a way to understand, interpret, and make decisions about experiences. Feminism as a contextual identity is connected with some parts of identity but not with all elements. For those whose view of feminism is as an underlying construct, feminism is interconnected and interactive with all of the other identity elements. This study adds to the literature about feminism and feminist identity in three ways. First, it suggests that for women who identify themselves as feminists, feminism is not only an ideology but also an important element of their identity. Second, it asserts that a shared definition of feminism is not critical to determining its role in identity. Third, this study's findings challenge the Downing and Roush (1985) model of feminist identity as the principal model. The Downing and Roush model focuses on feminist consciousness rather than identity; it employs a singular, liberal definition of feminism; it ignores multiple identities and their interactions; and it hinges its highest achievement on activist participation. Each of these assumptions of the Downing and Roush model are contradicted by the findings of this research. This study adds to the previous literature about identity in two ways. First, it expands the knowledge about adult women's identity by proposing a definition that takes into account the multiple identities that women have. Second, the findings challenge the limited areas by which identity has been traditionally defined. This study challenges the notion that identity is a singular, core construct based on traditional elements. Individuals must be allowed to identify the elements that make up their own identities. The results of this study also suggest that multiple identities, including race/ethnicity and sexual orientation, are mutually influencing and interconnected rather than independent or singular. Identity is constructed of multiple elements that must be examined together to understand the individual's own definition of self. ; Ph. D.

The creation of identity, in terms of both consumer identity and brand identity, is a core topic in marketing theory. Based on participant ethnography of Yes Edinburgh North & Leith, part of Yes Scotland, the national referendum campaign supporting Scottish independence, this paper explores identity co-creation among three entities: the brand, the individual consumer, and the brand community. The findings suggest that the interactions among these entities co-create their identity, primarily through the actions of highly motivated working consumers. This paper identifies the main dialectic relationships and shows how the effects move beyond the dyads to affect the other entities, including the symbols used in the process of co-creation. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications for brands, individual consumers, and brand communities.

Technological conversion, political interests and Business drivers has triggered a means, to establish individual characterization and personalization. People started raising concerns on multiple identities managed across various zones and hence various solutions were designed. Technological advancement has brought various issues and concerns around Identity assurance, privacy and policy enabled common Authentication framework. A compressive framework is needed to established common identity model to address national needs like standards, regulation and laws, minimum risk, interoperability and to provide user with a consistent context or user experience. This document focuses on Transformation path of identity stone age to Identity as in state. It defines a digital identity zone model (DIZM) to showcase the Global Identity defined across the ecosystem. Also, provide insight of emerging Technology trend to enable Identity assurance, privacy and policy enabled common Authentication framework.

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This powerpoint presentation discusses identity fraud and what you can do to combat it.

This entry examines multiracial identity from each of the aforementioned perspectives, positing that classification entails more than individual claims and assertions; rather, the interactions between the state, multiracial groups, and personal decisions lead to a more nuanced understanding of the process of multiracial identification. The government plays a critical role in creating the "mark all that apply" (MATA) option on the census. The emergence and influence of multiracial activist organizations advocating for recognition of this population is significant now. Finally, there is considerable social psychological literature addressing mixed-race identity, focusing on the four largest pairings. Early research characterized this population as dysfunctional and pathological; however, current research posits that multiracial identity is fluid, contextual, and normal.

This chapter provides an introductory overview of theories of identity and indicates some of the broad ways in which they might be applied to young people's interactions with digital media. The first part of the chapter offers a brief account of five major areas of theory: social-psychological theories of adolescence; sociological theories of youth culture; theories of social identity, and the relations between individuals and groups; notions of identity politics; and theories of subjectivity and modernity. The second part of the chapter covers three major themes that are at stake in the analysis of young people and digital media: theories of technology; the notion of young people as a "digital generation"; and the place of learning, both in and beyond schools. In this course of this broad-ranging overview, the chapter also prefigures some of the more specific themes addressed in the chapters that make up the remainder of the volume.

This document contains the Table of Contents, a Foreword by Hon. Michael Refalo - Minister of Youth and the Arts, and Editors' Preface. ; It has been said that the smaller a nation is, the more its territory has the character of 'the natal soil'. Smallness retains integrity, facilities human contact, and is more likely to have natural boundaries. In the case of the closely connected Maltese Islands in the central Mediterranean, the feeling of 'home' (heimat in German) could overlap with and evolve into the feeling of 'nation' (patria) with relative ease.The Upper Barracca garden in Valletta on the former Sceberras peninsula has long provided a grand-stand view not only of the magnificent harbours busy with naval, maritime and passenger activity, nor simply of the defensive and aesthetically impressive network of massive fortifications surrounding it, but also an instant sense of Malta's people: of the whereabouts of a good part of the entire population of the country. ; peer-reviewed

It is commonplace in European constitutional practice and theory to use the terms 'national identity' and 'constitutional identity' interchangeably. On the one hand, several Advocates General to the European Court of Justice have employed the concept of 'constitutional identity' to delineate what is protected under Article 4(2) TEU, even though, strictly speaking that Treaty provision refers to the Member States' national identities, inherent in their fundamental structures. On the other hand, certain domestic constitutional courts which present themselves as the ultimate defenders of the identity of their constitution have pointed to Article 4(2) TEU to legitimate their assumed power to review secondary EU law against their constitutional identity. Against this background, it should not be a surprise that, also in academic commentary, there is a strong tendency to equate national with constitutional identity. This article swims against the tide. It defies the conflation of national and constitutional identity prevalent in European constitutionalism. To this end, it makes three central points. First, it is submitted that the said conflation is not founded on a solid theory of legal interpretation. Second, this paper advances the argument that the obligation to respect the national identities of the Member States, as enshrined in Article 4(2) TEU, rests on different normative assumptions than the claim, made by certain constitutional courts, that European law must comply with constitutional identity for it to be applicable in the domestic legal order. Whereas the Union's obligation to pay heed to national identity is grounded in a liberal concern for the respectful treatment of the members of a multinational political community, the constitutional courts' preoccupation with constitutional identity rests on a particular conception of sovereignty. In other words, the demands for respect for national and constitutional identity are informed by distinct theoretical narratives. Third, it is argued that the Treaty makers had good reasons for writing into the EU Treaty a requirement of respect for the Member States' national identities rather than the States' sovereignty, or their constitutional identity, for that matter. The Treaties' focus on national identity should therefore be embraced and taken seriously.

The consequences of marginalized ethnic group emancipation for historically privileged groups are rarely examined, despite assertions that the disruption of traditional power balances leads to backlash. This paper addresses identity change in a 'most probable case' of intergroup threat, examining reactions to indigenous empowerment in Bolivia. After translating theory on identity change into testable implications, it explores meso-level rhetoric of the Santa Cruz Autonomy movement through diverse sources and micro-level identification through time-series survey data. It finds evidence for the constructionist power of discourse: its ability to create societal consensus on collective identity in a relatively short time span.

All over the world, there has been a massive resurgence in the politics of identity, including especially those forms of identity which, for a long time, were considered as negative and inimical to national unity. Today, ethnicity and religion have become major rallying points for political agitation, resulting in violent intra- and inter-state conflicts and posing direct challenges to national and regional stability as well as the post-1945 nation-state project across the world. This volume is dedicated to a discussion of various dimensions of the resurgence of identity politics in contemporary Nigeria. It is the product of a field-based research effort undertaken by a national working group which was keen to explore the origins, dimensions, and consequences of the increased spate of intra- and inter-communal conflicts within Nigeria in the context of a deep-seated national economic crisis, attempts at structural adjustment implementation, and a prolonged programme of transition from military to elected civilian rule. Such platforms of political mobilisation as ethnicity and religion, and the ways in which they combine with each other and with other variables like regional identities, are discussed along side the increase in the political significance of various aspects of youth and gender identities. In this sense, the contributions in this volume represent the first comprehensive effort to understand the dissolution and recom-position of popular political identities in contemporary Nigeria. ; Contents: 1. General Introduction. Identity Transformation and the Politics of Identity Under Crisis and Adjustment / Attahiru Jega -- 2. The State and Identity transformation Under Structural Adjustment in Nigeria / Attahiru Jega -- 3. The Transformation of Ethno-Regional Identities in Nigeria / Jibrin Ibrahim - 4. Religious Identity in the Context of Structural Adjustment in Nigeria / Ibrahim Mua'zzam and Jibrin Ibrahim -- 5. Transformation of Minority Identities in Post-Colonial Nigeria / Abdul Raufu Mustapha -- 6. National Council of Women´s Societies and the State, 1985-1993: The Use of Discourses of Womenhood by the NCWS / Charmaine Pereira -- 7. Adjustent and the Transformation of Labour Identity: What´s New and Does It Matter? / Jimi O. Adesina -- 8. The Youth, Economic Crisis and Identity Transformation: The Case of the Yandaba in Kano / Yunusa Zakari Ya'u -- 9. Youth Culture and Area Boys in Lagos / Abubakar Momoh -- 10. Structural Adjustment, Students' Movement and Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1986-1996 / Said Adejumobi

"Identität" ist zu einer politischen Kategorie geworden. In identitätspolitischen Konzepten geht es um die Definitionsmacht über Identitäten und ihre Durchsetzung im gesamtgesellschaftlichen bzw. globalen Kontext. Der Beitrag fragt zunächst danach, was Identität im Rahmen identitätspolitischer Konzeptionen eigentlich bedeutet, geht dann auf die damit eng verbundene Problematik der Diversität, der Vielfalt von Identitäten, ein, um schliesslich zu fragen, wie sich die Einheit diverser Identitäten denken liesse und was dies für den Identitätsbegriff der Identitätspolitik selbst bedeutet. ; "Identity" has become a political category. Identity-political concepts are about the power of definition over identities and their enforcement in the overall societal or global context. The article first asks what identity actually means in the context of identity-political conceptions, then addresses the closely related problem of diversity, the multiplicity of identities, in order to finally ask how the unity of diverse identities could be thought of and what this means for the concept of identity in identity politics itself.

National identitet og internationalt fællesskabAf Arthur Macdonald AllchinI sin redegørelse inddrager Allchin personligt farvede betragtninger over, hvad han som englænder har lært ved at stifte bekendtskab med Grundtvig og hans betydning for Danmark i historie og nutid. I fortsættelsen skitserer Allchin, hvordan vigtige perspektiver hos Grundtvig først bliver anskuet i deres virkelige rækkevidde, nr. deres aktuelle relevans langt ud over Danmarks grænser bliver taget med i betragtning.Alt for ofte har det været således, at 'national identitet' er blevet anskuet som et sæt af værdier, der ligger i strid med det pågældende lands plads i det internationale fællesskab. For Grundtvig var det ikke således. Selv om han undertiden kunne give anledning til nationalistiske forestillinger og også. siden hen er blevet brugt i samme retning, var Grundtvigs egentlige overbevisning knyttet til, at han forstod sig selv og sin virksomhed inden for danskhedens rammer og p. samme tid understregede Danmarks plads i universalhistorien. Således var han alt andet end isolationist.Grundtvigs forståelse af national identitet bygger på tre ting: et folk, der bebor et afgrænset geografisk omr.de, som endvidere har et modersmål og en digtning, og som endelig har en fælles historisk arv.De indsigter, der rummes heri, har på afgørende punkter relevans i lyset af dagens internationale situation. Men netop ved at gennemføre en afbalanceret vurdering af Grundtvigs tanker, kan vi opnå et frugtbart grundlag for bestræbelser, der rækker fra kultur- og samfundspolitik til undervisning, fra kirkeliv og teologi til bestræbelserne p. at virkeligg.re en højere grad af fællesskab mellem kristenhedens kirkesamfund.Med denne omfattende målsætning som sin ledetråd udtrykker Allchin for sit eget vedkommende taknemmelighed over at kunne deltage i et samarbejde med kolleger fra Det teologiske Fakultet ved Aarhus Universitet og i særdeleshed Center for Grundtvig Studier.

The language of common European constitutional identity is distinguishable from that of common European constitutional traditions in that the former does not focus so centrally on the past, and is independent of the legal doctrinal language of the EU law. When discussing constitutional identity, there are, in particular, the following four questions which deserve to be addressed: (1) What are we doing when we are "constructing" the European constitutional identity; what are the features of the interpretation leading to such a construction? (2) What values/ideals/principles are a part of our constitutional identity? (3) How does European constitutional identity relate to the specific constitutional identities of European nation-states? (4) What is the relationship between the discourse about political integration within the EU and the existence of European CI, as separate from, and paramount to, identities of member states? On that last issue it is submitted that there is no simple connection between ascertaining the dominant identity at a particular level and the implications for the division of authority between the European and national levels within the EU.