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The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.

The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.

The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.

The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.

Lithuania is known as a country making huge progress in gender equality issues not contradicting the state family policy. But in the period of 2006-2008, three legal acts on family policy endangering gender equality and women's rights were under consideration at the Parliament. The results of voting on these three legal acts are being analysed. Basing on the results of longitudinal study "Woman in Lithuanian Society" it is shown that attitudes of those Parliamentarians who voted did not reflect view of Lithuanian population towards definition of a family and ban of abortions. Results of analysis allow to presume that there was little struggle between ideologies on high political level due to too small number of Parliamentarians advocating gender equality. The majority of members of Parliament were afraid to express their position in gender-sensitive questions. There are signs of backlash in gender equality but economic crisis reduces deepening of it.

Lithuania is known as a country making huge progress in gender equality issues not contradicting the state family policy. But in the period of 2006-2008, three legal acts on family policy endangering gender equality and women's rights were under consideration at the Parliament. The results of voting on these three legal acts are being analysed. Basing on the results of longitudinal study "Woman in Lithuanian Society" it is shown that attitudes of those Parliamentarians who voted did not reflect view of Lithuanian population towards definition of a family and ban of abortions. Results of analysis allow to presume that there was little struggle between ideologies on high political level due to too small number of Parliamentarians advocating gender equality. The majority of members of Parliament were afraid to express their position in gender-sensitive questions. There are signs of backlash in gender equality but economic crisis reduces deepening of it.

Lithuania is known as a country making huge progress in gender equality issues not contradicting the state family policy. But in the period of 2006-2008, three legal acts on family policy endangering gender equality and women's rights were under consideration at the Parliament. The results of voting on these three legal acts are being analysed. Basing on the results of longitudinal study "Woman in Lithuanian Society" it is shown that attitudes of those Parliamentarians who voted did not reflect view of Lithuanian population towards definition of a family and ban of abortions. Results of analysis allow to presume that there was little struggle between ideologies on high political level due to too small number of Parliamentarians advocating gender equality. The majority of members of Parliament were afraid to express their position in gender-sensitive questions. There are signs of backlash in gender equality but economic crisis reduces deepening of it.

Lithuania is known as a country making huge progress in gender equality issues not contradicting the state family policy. But in the period of 2006-2008, three legal acts on family policy endangering gender equality and women's rights were under consideration at the Parliament. The results of voting on these three legal acts are being analysed. Basing on the results of longitudinal study "Woman in Lithuanian Society" it is shown that attitudes of those Parliamentarians who voted did not reflect view of Lithuanian population towards definition of a family and ban of abortions. Results of analysis allow to presume that there was little struggle between ideologies on high political level due to too small number of Parliamentarians advocating gender equality. The majority of members of Parliament were afraid to express their position in gender-sensitive questions. There are signs of backlash in gender equality but economic crisis reduces deepening of it.

The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally "pure" family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the idea of a strong national family would succeed only if wife and husband treated each other as equal partners and comrades in arms. The Soviet family policy during 1944-1970 inculcated the idea of a family as a small open collective instead of a private sphere. Soviet family structure did not necessarily consist of two parents and their children. Single mother and her children were considered to be a full legitimate family. Likewise in terms of nationality Lithuanian family was not expected to concist of two Lithuanians. The main purpose of the Soviet family was reproduction and successful internalization of the Soviet values through the family.

The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally "pure" family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the idea of a strong national family would succeed only if wife and husband treated each other as equal partners and comrades in arms. The Soviet family policy during 1944-1970 inculcated the idea of a family as a small open collective instead of a private sphere. Soviet family structure did not necessarily consist of two parents and their children. Single mother and her children were considered to be a full legitimate family. Likewise in terms of nationality Lithuanian family was not expected to concist of two Lithuanians. The main purpose of the Soviet family was reproduction and successful internalization of the Soviet values through the family.

The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally "pure" family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the idea of a strong national family would succeed only if wife and husband treated each other as equal partners and comrades in arms. The Soviet family policy during 1944-1970 inculcated the idea of a family as a small open collective instead of a private sphere. Soviet family structure did not necessarily consist of two parents and their children. Single mother and her children were considered to be a full legitimate family. Likewise in terms of nationality Lithuanian family was not expected to concist of two Lithuanians. The main purpose of the Soviet family was reproduction and successful internalization of the Soviet values through the family.

The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally "pure" family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the idea of a strong national family would succeed only if wife and husband treated each other as equal partners and comrades in arms. The Soviet family policy during 1944-1970 inculcated the idea of a family as a small open collective instead of a private sphere. Soviet family structure did not necessarily consist of two parents and their children. Single mother and her children were considered to be a full legitimate family. Likewise in terms of nationality Lithuanian family was not expected to concist of two Lithuanians. The main purpose of the Soviet family was reproduction and successful internalization of the Soviet values through the family.

This paper deals with concepts of images of ethnic minorities in the ideologies of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union, the Latvian Aizsargi, and the Estonian Kaitseliit, with the aim of identifying factors that predetermined qualitative changes in these images in the different periods of activity of these paramilitary organisations. In addition, possible functions of the images of ethnic minorities in the ideologies of the Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian riflemen are analysed. The study is based on the presumption that, in the ideologies of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union, the Latvian Aizsargi and the Estonian Kaitseliit, the formation of the images of ethnic minorities in the different periods of activity of these organisations (the struggles for independence, the formation of the parliamentary system, authoritarian coups and presidential power, and national political crises) was predetermined by the practice of attaching ethnic groups to the relative camps of allies or foes, and by the policy of dividing ethnic minorities into groups of 'reliable' and 'unreliable'.

This paper deals with concepts of images of ethnic minorities in the ideologies of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union, the Latvian Aizsargi, and the Estonian Kaitseliit, with the aim of identifying factors that predetermined qualitative changes in these images in the different periods of activity of these paramilitary organisations. In addition, possible functions of the images of ethnic minorities in the ideologies of the Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian riflemen are analysed. The study is based on the presumption that, in the ideologies of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union, the Latvian Aizsargi and the Estonian Kaitseliit, the formation of the images of ethnic minorities in the different periods of activity of these organisations (the struggles for independence, the formation of the parliamentary system, authoritarian coups and presidential power, and national political crises) was predetermined by the practice of attaching ethnic groups to the relative camps of allies or foes, and by the policy of dividing ethnic minorities into groups of 'reliable' and 'unreliable'.

This paper deals with concepts of images of ethnic minorities in the ideologies of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union, the Latvian Aizsargi, and the Estonian Kaitseliit, with the aim of identifying factors that predetermined qualitative changes in these images in the different periods of activity of these paramilitary organisations. In addition, possible functions of the images of ethnic minorities in the ideologies of the Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian riflemen are analysed. The study is based on the presumption that, in the ideologies of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union, the Latvian Aizsargi and the Estonian Kaitseliit, the formation of the images of ethnic minorities in the different periods of activity of these organisations (the struggles for independence, the formation of the parliamentary system, authoritarian coups and presidential power, and national political crises) was predetermined by the practice of attaching ethnic groups to the relative camps of allies or foes, and by the policy of dividing ethnic minorities into groups of 'reliable' and 'unreliable'.