Suchergebnisse

In 1942, proletarian writer, Takeda Rintarō, was sent from Japan to the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia) as part of the Sendenbu (propaganda squad), where he led the literature section in the Keimin Bunka Shidōshō (cultural center) in Jakarta. Jawa sarasa documents Takeda Rintaro's activities and cultural experiences in Java, Indonesia, after he returned to Japan in 1944. Most Japanese literature and cultural writings about Nanyō or Nanpō ("South Islands" - South Asia and the Pacific, including Indonesia) from this era reference the concept of Imperialism in Asia. In the pre-war period, stereotypes such as dojin (local primitive) and tōmin (islander) defined South Island people as being lesser than or "other" than the Japanese people. Japanese literary depictions of tropical Eden's and exotic "uncivilized people" reflect similar perceptions and writings by Western authors towards Asia in the 19th century. This paper explores Takeda Rintarō's perspectives of "otherness" in prewar discourses about Indonesia. Through the influence of "The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" propaganda concept, the ideology of "sameness" was becoming a hegemonic cultural idea in Takeda's writings about Indonesia. Conversely, however, Takeda's depiction of the double-occupation of Java, with the political rule of Holland and economic domination of daily life by Chinese immigrants, implied criticism of Japan's administrative policies regarding economic exploitation in Java. Takeda's criticisms of Japanese policy are bedded in his emotion for the nature, culture and people of Indonesia.

The Prosperous and Justice Party or Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) is one of the parties different from a political party most, and more than that it can be seen that PKS is coming from the Muslim community in Indonesia. In the current development of Indonesian political parties, there is an impression that ideology of Indonesian political partis are moving to the middle. PKS has choosen to be an open political party or it can understood PKS is now determined to be one of the pluralistic parties who adopt pluralism and the diversity. This research wants to examine the value behind an opened ideology by Regional Council (DPW) of PKS in West Java in political communication perspective. Qualitative approach is used with ethnographic sudy. Data are collected by observations, interviews and documentary study on the internal and external informants of PKS. The result shows that opened ideology of DPW PKS of West Java are based on three values: ideological value, sociological value, and political value.

ABSTRACTNationalism, ideology based on the premise that the individual's loyalty anddevotion to the nation state surpass other individual or group interest nationalismis a modern movement. A consciousness of the part of individuals or groups ofmembership in a nation, whether one's or another. A state of mind, permeating thelarge majority of people and climing to permeate all its members, it recognizes thenation state as the ideal form of political organization and the nationality as thesource of all creative cultural energy and economic will being.Nationalism is a political, social, and economic system characterized by thepromotion of the interest of particular nation, especially with the aim of gainingand maintaining sovereignty (self governance). The supreme loyalty of man istherefore do to this nationality, as his own life is supposedly rooted in and madepossible by its welfare.The policy or doctrine of asserting the interest of one's own nation viewed asseparate from the interest of all nation and idiom or trait peculiar to a nation, amovement, as in the arts, based upon the folk idioms, history, aspirations of anation. Nationalism is a strong attachment to a particular country or nation. It isalso called patriotism many historians consider nationalism to be one of the mostimportant forces in shaping modern history. Nationalism can have a positiveinfluence by giving people a sense of belonging to a national community.Integral nationalism, this stage of nationalism centers the nation and its state in thelife of all citizens. Instead of a state being committed to supplying public goods tocitizens, this form of nationalism emphasizes individuals sacrifice for the benefit ofthe nation and its government.Nationalism is a simple and relativist political ideology that holds tremendous waywith millions of voters and many government. Nationalism's adaptability to mostlocal conditions allows it to thrive, especially when supported by a governmentintent on expanding its own power, domestically and internationally. It's andattractive ideology for political leaders, as it provides a ready made and widelybelieved justification for increased political power in order to make the nation.Indonesia's leader want to wean the country off commodities and push investmentin value added manufacturing and services to emulate the success of countries. Theargument that Indonesia needs to focus on overhauling education andinfrastructure to lift the country's productivity and help boost its economy.Its vision of the inevitable transformation of the nation state system by globalprocesses that the nation state was entering a period of crisis. The argue thatnationalism would only intensity as states the growing challenge of globalization.

This paper examines the dynamics of a coalition of political parties in Indonesia, especially in the presidential election of 2014 through a Fuzzy approach. The results of this study indicate that the ideology of political parties cannot be used as coalition preferences in absolute terms. The formation of the coalition is heavily based on seeking office interest. In other words, political parties in Indonesia have not been able to gain funding independently but still rely on state resources that obtained through its members in the executive and legislative offices. However, fuzzy logic modeling to the coalition as conducted in this writing is still very simple and need to test rigor of mathematical models that can describe the real condition of the behavior of political parties to form a coalition.

The research about the women parliament candidacy based on problems, theory, methodology and researchanalysis being utilized by the researcher aims at 1) unveiling affirmative action policy in accordance to the2003 Public Election regulation (UU) and the 2008 political party regulation that are suitable policy along withefforts to enhance women representativeness in parliament within regional autonomy framework; 2) elaboratingpolitical party supports towards quota fulfillment process of 30 percent in line with the 2009 public electionregulation; 3) describing and criticizing mass media roles in the process of the political communication of womencandidates of DKI Jakarta Province in 2009; 4) discovering and exploring quality of the political communicationof women candidates of DKI Jakarta Province 2009; 5) highlighting women efforts and struggles regarding theregulation of political quota and regional autonomy are so-called 'counter hegemony' movement. Paradigmused in the research is critical paradigm with Gramcsian analysis model. Theory and concept of this research areAntonio Gramcsi's thoughts; hegemony-counter hegemony, political network alliance, political communication,radical feminism, mass media in the New Marxist perspective (Gramcsian) and regional autonomy concept.The research uses qualitative approach with case study method and feminist research as well as equipped bymethod of the Gramcsian-Marxist analysis. Results and discussion of the research argue that women have beenundergoing marginalization both culturally and structurally in the political realm resulting in injustice of theirrepresentativeness in parliament. The notion becomes rooted in the social structure and system and has been goingas a cultural system which is patriarchy system. The women altogether have to establish and belong to a solidnetwork alliance to give pressure towards the government; those are in power and the state in order to transformconditions of women representativeness in parliament. They are therefore expected to have bargaining positionthat is balanced or even stronger with the state. The position is needed by women in that they can compete withmen and create broader opportunity by which they achieve it by the release of the 2009 political party regulationand the running of the regional autonomy regulation. In the Gramcsi's concept, the equality of bargaining positionbetween women movement, represented as civil society and the state represented as political community highlylikely produce conceptual/intellectual and practical clashes to establish new hegemony whose consequence isto prosper woman community and broader civil society as well as political community. In this phase, Gramcsinames it as 'counter hegemony' movement in which women can present themselves and bear new hegemony afterwinning the conceptual war against the old hegemony. The women's struggles to run candidacy of The 2009 DKIregional election took a form of 'counter hegemony'. The effort was undertaken so that the women can owe highbargaining position in politics that is influenced by the other power namely mass media. The need to supports ofmedia industry is inevitable. Media industry, as institution having capital ideology, might highly possible be usedby women movement/ the civil. In addition, women can take benefits from media to assist struggles of 'counterhegemony'. As a consequence, the women's struggles of counter hegemony are complicated to do due to partialand incomprehensive efforts. The women political candidates of DKI Jakarta possess resistant movement spirit orfighting movement to transform cultural values of patriarchy especially in politics. In this notion, it is evident thatemancipation ideology is not effective to strengthen the movement unless it is as communal vision and missionfrom elements of struggles that can produce women great energy to achieve their goals. The energy is no other than'collective will' considered as fighting ideology which is necessary therein fighting ideas of women have constantand significant energy.Keywords : regional autonomy, political communication, Gramcsian Analysis, women parliament candidacydkijakarta 2009)

Reformation became an important moment of democratization in Indonesia. The two important political changes that occur in reformation era are the freedom to establish political parties and the electoral system. Such changes have an impact on the emergence of a coalition phenomenon in Indonesia, because general elections with multiparty systems are unable to produce a majority vote in parliament. This paper aims to map and analyze the dinamic of the political party coalition in Indonesia' presidential election in the reform era within coalition theories by Riker, Katz&Mair and Swaan. Using a qualitative approach and secondary data from media and literature, the main factor that influence the formation of coalitions in the presidential elections in the reform era is political pragmatism. It Political pragmatism makes political partiesparty politics as a cartel party that becomes the agent of the state and employ the resources of the state to ensure their party' survival. Pragmatism ultimately makes the ideology is not a binding factor in building a coalition, but simply to maximize power.

After the Soviet break-up and the Marxist regime collapsed, many of alternative notions emerged in the academic community in Russia, including alternative ideas in the field of International Relations (IR). A number of Russian IR scholars attempted to reconstruct the theories of IR, not just the IR theories that developed in Russia during the era of Marxism, but also against Western IR theories. Although the post-Cold War aspirations to create a distinct national school of International Relations in Russia, but these efforts are not free from the ideology and political goal that directing and guiding Russian foreign policy. Even, IR scholars in Russia have come to shared with the Russian government in terms of building the IR theories with the Russian characteristics, especially in challenging Western hegemony in the social sciences and international relations. This article tries to elaborate three intellectual traditions of international relations that developed in Russia, namely Westernism, Statism, and Civilizationism. Westernizer IR heavily influenced by Western liberalism, Statism more inspired by the realism, while Civilizationism is more of a hybrid between the constructivism and Russian essentialism.

This paper discusses the significance of NGOs in the context of improving social welfare in Indonesia. NGOs are civil society elements that grow in the 1970s, after the government fornm- lated the concept of developmentalism as an ideology of development. In this phase up strategic alliances with the state concerning the development of social welfare and success of the project. In the era of the 1990s, the NGO movement emerged with a strategy that is more opposition to the 1998 reform. While the post-reform effort came back redistribute role of NGOs in the social context has changed. Political openness encourages NGOs to build up new alliances with government and political parties, although this time with a field larger movement. The role of NGOs is not only at the level of empowerment and improvement of social welfare, but as elements that contribute to the creation of Good Governance. This paper concludes that the various shades of transformation that happened, NGOs remain an important element of government as partners in the social wel- fare community.Keywords :. Developmentalism, Good Governance, Civil Society and Paradigm.

All provinces and districts / cities, just do Update device organizations of their respective regions. Hopes, this new organization into an effective and efficient organization. The regional organization built on five basic elements: 1) the strategic apex, 2) middle line, 3) operating core, 4) technostructure, and 5) supporting staff. Does the establishment of regional organizations gives hope to the improvement of coordination of the local government?If traced from theory, the five basic elements of the theory of Mintzberg berumber. According to Henry Mintzberg, attributes the organization building, consisting of: first, parts and people in the organization, secondly, the coordination mechanism, the third, the design parameters, and fourth, various environmental factors that influence the selection of the design parameters. In this first attribute Mintzberg says there are six elements. Elements 1st - 5th has been adopted by the PP. No. 18 / 2016 as described above. The sixth element is ideology. These six elements are not found in the PP. No. 18 / 2016. The fourth attribute Mintzberg's theory was also adopted. It is seen from the common variable calculation and technical variables as a basis for mapping the intensity of government affairs and the determination of the regional workload and determine tipeloginya classified as A, B, or C.The second and third attributes are not visible in the PP setting. No. 18 / 2016. As a result in the formation of regional organizations as well be invisible. The second and third attribute is actually provide a good framework for the establishment of the Agency which serves as technostrukture. Institutions that have an important role coordinating the programs of the Department so that organizational goals can be achieved. Thus, the improvement of coordination within local government is still difficult to expect.

AbstractResearch, regulation and development of this press researched to deepen the development of the mass media is so dynamic in Indonesia. Those who want to delve into the media and political power in Indonesia and how to act in favor of the power to be used as a tool to build community in the era of Soeharto. The study examines how the press system established under a political system that is referred to as the basic media Indonesia between 1966 and 1973. To achieve the goal of the study, investigation was made on the press and the factors that influence the formation of a press system using an approach through the analysis of historical research documents and in-depth interviews. The results showed that the formation of the media system is based on a process of consciously designed to conform to the philosophy and values practiced by the manager, who went on to become Indonesia's national policy. The planned process is essentially cultural values such as "collaboration", the spirit of harmony, harmony, balance, and obedience. Press system formation process is done through persuasion and consensus made during the meeting, which was later used as a tool to control the activities of the press in Indonesia. The study also found some dominant factor affecting the development of the media system that includes socio-cultural, political and economic. The results showed that from 1966 to 1973, the government supports the aspiration to form a healthy media system, free and responsible as well as build a sense of family planning in line with the direction of the government's political ideology. Policies formed the basis for formulation of media system in Indonesia based on Pancasila. While from 1966-1973 the press laws No.4 / 1967 into force on the development of media freedom, justice and freedom. Keywords: Regulation, Development, Press, authoriter

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis proses penyelesaian konflik internal antara Pemerintah Indonesia dan gerakan separatisme di Papua (Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM)) menggunakan mekanisme horse-trading. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mengkaji latar belakang OPM dan konflik, kemudian membahas proses konflik dengan alat bantu analisis timeline untuk memahami perkembangan gerakan separatisme dari OPM berdasarkan urutan kronologis, dan membahas resolusi konflik yang pernah dilakukan dengan alat bantu analisis pemetaan konflik untuk memahami aktor-aktor yang terlibat dan tujuannya. Konflik ini merupakan hasil dari kompleksitas antara latar belakang historis, ideologis, dan rasa ketidakadilan di Papua, di sisi lain, Papua semakin didukung oleh dunia internasional. Upaya penyelesaian konflik Pemerintah Indonesia dengan OPM dengan mekanisme horse-trading sudah mulai dilakukan, namun belum mencapai resolusi yang baru. Mekanisme horse-trading dapat efektif menyelesaikan konflik ini bilamana didukung oleh kepercayaan antara kedua pihak untuk melakukan dialog dimana kedua pihak dapat menyampaikan tujuannya secara terbuka. ; The study aims to analyze the process of internal conflict resolution between the Government of Indonesia and the separatist movement in Papua (Free Papua Movement (Indonesian: Organisasi Papua Merdeka or OPM)) using a horse-trading mechanism. This study was qualitative method by discussing the Free Papua Movement background and the conflict, then discussing the conflict process of timeline analysis tool to understand the development of its movement based on chronological order, and discussing the conflict resolutions that have been carried out with conflict mapping analysis tool to understand the actors that involved and their objectives. The conflict is the result of complexity among historical backgrounds, ideology, and a sense of injustice in Papua, on the other hand, the international community has increasingly supported Papua. Horse-trading has been used to resolve the conflict of Free Papua Movement and the Government of Indonesia, yet it has not yet reached a new resolution. The horse-trading mechanism effectively resolves the conflict when trust has been achieved between them to communicate both of them where they can deliver their objectives openly.

The purpose of this study is to see how the representation of government officials about the pros and cons of lockdown by those who are pro with the policy of government officials; and how the representation of government officials about the lockdown counter by those who are counter to the policy of government officials in conveying their ideology in a speech on the ILC TV ONE talk show with the theme Corona: Pro and Counter Lockdown. This type of research is qualitative research with descriptive methods. The data in this study were in the form of speeches from each of the speakers, namely government officials and experts. The subjects in this study were government officials and experts who were the speakers at the ILC TV ONE program. The approach of this research is AWK Norman Fairclough's qualitative approach. The results of this study indicate that, that there is no one vote whether the pros or cons lockdown. Because there are a lot of considerations and shadows if the lockdown is done what the impact is and if nothing is done. There are 3 findings of representation from government officials' statements on the lockdown policy, namely (1) Government officials in their speeches do not have strong control to make decisions, local government officials still play it safe and maintain respect for the government above it. (2) Central government officials, which are represented by the President's spokesman, can only provide an educational explanation on what is social distancing and what is lockdown and the policies that are carried out; and (3) Representative government officials and experts criticizing the policies taken by the government have not been maximized and are not firm. AbstrakTujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengungkapkan bagaimana representasi pejabat pemerintah tentang pro dan kontra lockdown oleh pihak yang pro dengan kebijakan pejabat pemerintah; dan bagaimana representasi pejabat pemerintah tentang prokontra lockdown oleh pihak yang kontra dengan kebijakan pejabat pemerintah dalam menyampaikan ideologinya dalam tuturan di talk show ILC TV ONE dengan tema Corona: Pro dan Kontra Lockdown. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis wacana kritis model Norman Fairclough yang meliputi teks, discourse practice, dan sociocultural practice. Pendekatan penelitian ini berupa pendekatan kualitatif prespektif AWK Norman Fairclough. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa, bahwa tidak satu suara apakah pro atau kontra lockdown. Karena banyak pertimbangan dan bayangan-bayangan jika lockdown dilakukan apa dampaknya dan jika tidak dilakukan apapula dampaknya. Ada 3 temuan representasi dari tuturan pejabat pemerintah atas kebijakan lockdown, yaitu (1) Pejabat pemerintah dalam tuturannya tidak mempunyai kendali yang kuat untuk membuat keputusan, pejabat pemerintah daerah masih bermain aman dan menjaga kehormatan kepada pemerintah diatasnya. (2) Pejabat pemerintah pusat yaitu diwakili oleh jubir Presiden hanya bisa memberikan penjelasan pendidikan mengenai apa itu sosial distancing dan apa itu lockdown serta kebijakan yang dilakukan; dan (3) Pejabat pemerintah wakil rakyat dan pakar mengkritisi kebijakan yang diambil pemerintah belum maksimal dan tidak tegas.