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The article briefly discusses the history of Portugal's conquering and maintenance of its empire. This article examines enabling factors for the establishment of the Portuguese Empire in light of the relative lack of resources present at the time of the imperial conquest. The impact of ideology and religion in the Portuguese empire is examined. The article introduces the idea that charitable organizations known as Misericordias were pillars of the Portuguese Empire. The functions and political organization of Misericrdias are described. The author briefly discusses the fall of the Portuguese empire. This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby

Popular uprising against authoritarian regimes is not enough to allow transition towards democracy to begin. The military has the final word on whether such an uprising will be successful or the uprising will be repressed in order to preserve the incumbent dictatorship. The military supported the uprising in Tunisia while it sided with the regime and repressed the uprising in Syria. In Egypt did the military refrain from supporting the regime and took over power themselves. Why did the military act so differently in the three cases? The article propose a theoretical explanation which combines variables influencing whether the military has the potential to support a popular uprising or not; and if there is a political situation, which allows for this potential to be exploited. The model of explanation is then tested against the cases of Tunisia, Egypt and Syria during The Arab Spring. Adapted from the source document.

"Who is the biblical Jesus? The answer depends on which translation you read. Most people read their Bible translation as "the Bible". Publishers of the Bible have great power to define the Bible and decide how the biblical Jesus is presented.

Jesus i oversettelse is a detailed analysis of the translation processes behind the making of eighteen Christological verses in the translations of the Norwegian Bible Society 1959–2011. Readers are invited to a process that few have access to: How the translations are made, and what considerations and which interests are reflected in the translation choices. To what extent do the translators ensure a distinct understanding of Jesus in the translated text? Do the translations change the meaning and message of the source text, or do the translations preserve the interpretative possibilities? What view of Jesus is reflected in translations of the Norwegian Bible Society?
" - "Hvem er Bibelens Jesus? Svaret avhenger av hvilken oversettelse du leser. Folk flest leser sin bibeloversettelse som «Bibelen». Utgivere av Bibelen har stor definisjonsmakt over Bibelen, og bestemmer hvordan Bibelens Jesus blir presentert.

Jesus i oversettelse er en detaljert analyse av atten kristologiske vers i Bibelselskapets oversettelser 1959–2011. Leserne blir invitert inn i en prosess som få har innsyn i: Hvordan Bibelselskapets oversettelser lages, og hvilke hensyn og interesser som gjenspeiles i oversettelsesvalgene. I hvilken grad sikrer oversetterne en bestemt forståelse av Jesus i den oversatte bibelteksten? Endrer oversettelsene kildetekstens betydning og budskap, eller ivaretar oversettelsenetolkningsmulighetene som ligger i kildeteksten? Hvilket syn på Jesus reflekteres i Bibelselskapets oversettelser?Tema i denne antologien er universitets- og høgskolesektorens utvikling og forhold til nasjon og region. I Norge har utfordringen med å sveise sammen et land med sterke og sprikende regionale og lokale identiteter vært styrende for nasjonsbyggingsprosjektet. Den politikken som er blitt ført for å bygge ut høyere utdanning og forskning, bærer umiskjennelig preg av å være en del av et slikt prosjekt. Utdannings- og forskningspolitikken har gjennomløpt ulike faser og vært underlagt skiftende paradigmer. Fra 1960-tallet og de første tiår fremover ble det bygd ut UH-institusjoner utover landet, spesielt for å dekke behov for høyt utdannet arbeidskraft i regionene. Resultatet av denne prosessen ble at Norge ved inngangen til 1990-tallet antakelig hadde et av verdens mest desentraliserte UH-systemer målt i forhold til folketallet.

Deretter startet en epoke med en serie reformer for konsentrasjon og samling, for å styrke kvalitet, forskning og nasjonal konkurranseevne i en tid der kunnskap er vår viktigste ressurs. Det har vært skiftende syn på styring av og innenfor sektoren, påvirket av internasjonale trender. Det betyr ikke at de regionale ambisjonene ble mindre, men de antok andre former. Behovet for høyt utdannet arbeidskraft var like sterkt til stede, og parallelt kom økte krav til kunnskapsutvikling og samarbeid med regionalt næringsliv og offentlige institusjoner.

I denne antologien forsøker vi å gi et riss av den historiske utviklingen som har preget UH-sektoren. Hvordan forstår og forklarer vi den utviklingen vi har hatt? Hvilke interesser, drivkrefter og aktører kan vi identifisere? Hvilke konsekvenser kan vi spore? I noen grad forsøker vi også å se fremover med utgangspunkt i hvor vi nå befinner oss.

Bidragene til antologien kommer fra sentrale forskere innenfor feltet. De teoretiske og empiriske inngangene til temaet er ulike. I sitt mangfold gir de et dekkende bilde av den spennende utviklingen bak den universitets- og høgskolesektoren vi har i dag, og de forutsetninger dette gir for å utvikle sektoren videre."

In the 1990s, American public diplomacy was built down & neglected following its merits during the Cold War. After September 11, (2001), this field has, however, had a renaissance. But at present, the Cold War situation is inverted. In the struggle against communism, the US typically faced hostile regimes with populations yearning for Western ideology & values. Today a heavy reliance on mechanisms of marketing seems to have deteriorated US public diplomacy, whereas the Arab world is far from fertile soil for US public diplomacy. America's current enemies tend to be sub-national actors with hostile perceptions of the US, & larger populations show strong anti-American sentiments. Most activities that are labeled public diplomacy also belong in the realm of propaganda, but so-called white propaganda -- ie, the sender is known. But can public diplomacy work unless the state it originates from combines it with a policy that is saleable to the target audience? 1 Figure, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the way the Turkish state treats Kurds is put under the spotlight. The Kurds in Turkey have been subjected to extensive oppression since the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire in 1918. The author places oppression of the Kurds in the context of official dogmatic Turkish nationalistic ideology, Kemalism, which is based on the political philosophy of the founder of the Turkish republic, Mustafa Kemal "Ataturk." The military have assumed the position of his foremost spokesmen after Ataturk's death. It was hoped that the process of adaptation to the ED would result in ending the 80-year-long oppression of the Kurds & the other minorities, after Turkey acquired candidate status to the EU in 1999, but the country's powerful military are trying to thwart this process. The article is discussing how the military are using their role in the Kurdish question to hamper the democratization process. In Turkey there is widespread agreement that the unsolved Kurdish question is the main reason for the problems which have arisen in connection with the process of adaptation to the EU. References. Adapted from the source document.

This article provides an outline of the history of the American Empire's rise and transformations. The analysis examines the political situation in America around 1800 when the country was established as a republic at a time when international imperialism was prevalent with still powerful British, French, and Spanish empires. The article argues that the territorial expansion within the North American continent was conducted within the realms of imperial ideology, although, unlike other empires, once included in the empire each state became an equal participant in the central authority. The article poses a new type of empire that have emerged in America following the second world war; an American Empire based on international alliances for the purpose of international and national security based on voluntary participation, although subject to economic support or sanction. The article suggests that the war on terrorism has brought power politics and alliances that mirror classic imperial ideals, with an increase in military presence to enforce imperial alliances. The author concludes that based on the problems experienced with imperialistic use of power in Afghanistan and Iraq it is unlikely that the U.S. is establishing a new classical empire. This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby