Suchergebnisse

Este ensaio apresenta o debate empreendido em meados da década de 1960, na França, pelo movimento teórico e político denominado Teoria Crítica do Esporte. Essa perspectiva ocorreu em meio ao clima cultural emergente naquele período, marcado pela crítica às instituições vigentes e propunha o desvelamento dos elementos subjacentes à hegemonia da ideologia esportiva na cultura, particularmente na mídia, nos clubes e escolas. O texto apresenta os principais argumentos de seus idealizadores, sobretudo os concebidos por JeanMarie Brohm, aproximando suas inquietações com contribuições oriundas de autores que marcaram a primeira geração da Teoria Crítica da Sociedade, notadamente Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer e Hebert Marcuse. O ensaio incide sobre as críticas tecidas por esses autores com a finalidade de compreender os fundamentos do movimento esportivo, concebido como objeto cultural de ampla disseminação e importância para a formação do indivíduo sob a égide do capitalismo. ; This paper presents the debate undertaken in the mid-1960s in France, by the theoretical and political movement called Critical Theory of Sports. This perspective came amid the emerging cultural climate in that period, marked by criticism of existing institutions and proposed the unveiling of the elements underlying the hegemony of sports ideology in culture, particularly in the media, clubs and schools. The text presents the main arguments of its creators, especially those designed by Jean-Marie Brohm, bringing their concerns with contributions from authors that marked the first generation of Critical Theory of Society, notably Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer and Hebert Marcuse. The test focuses on the criticism leveled by the authors in order to understand the fundamentals of the sports movement, conceived as a cultural object of wide spread and importance to the formation of the individual under the aegis of capitalism.

The work 'De revolutionibus orbium coelestium' (1543) installed the foundation stone of a mentality that conceived a new rationality model. The heliocentric hypothesis devised by Nicolas Copernicus has entered the contemporary narrative as one of the battles fought against medieval cosmology, which translates into a confrontation with the socio-political hegemony that the Catholic Church projected on the most decisive questions of humanity. Nevertheless, cosmology, seen through a hermeneutic gaze proposed by Ernst Cassirer, allows us to suspend the ascending condition of history in order to direct our attention to the neoplatonic, Pythagorean and Gnostic filiation of certain qualities that finally played in favour of the acceptance of the new image of the world. These doctrines were key in the articulation of that new cosmology, and nevertheless, our modernity has not known how to recognize its contributions to what could be a history of ideas. For these reasons we will relate the work with some cosmological precepts in the epistemological context of the Renaissance, which will shed light on certain unknown areas of the work, and also, why not, on certain unknown areas of the spirit of our modernity.

The aim of this work is to understand the ideological processes in the relationship between Brazilian State and social movements during Lula and Dilma Rousseff Governments until June 2013. For this purpose, we will see that there are some subjects that enjoy themselves when join any cynical apparatuses in the capitalist society, and also identified themselves with this lifestyle. On the other side, there are subjects that are indignant with this situation and seek to politically organize themselves, in this case in social movements. The article discusses these politically organized subjects, since the Brazilian State uses the "engodo" to put them in the cynical logic of capitalist social control. In this logic, the "engodo" is a discursive formation that puts at stake a symbolic and imaginary dimension for one to take cynically the other as object of his satisfaction. ; O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender os processos ideológicos presentes na relação entre o Estado brasileiro e movimentos sociais durante os governos Lula e Dilma até junho de 2013. Para isso, veremos que há alguns sujeitos que gozam quando aderem a todo aparato cínico presente na sociedade capitalista e ainda se identificam com esse modo de vida. Por outro lado, há sujeitos que se indignam com essa situação e buscam se organizar politicamente, neste caso em movimentos sociais. Tratamos sobre esses sujeitos que se organizam politicamente, porque eles também sofrem as investidas do Estado brasileiro que usa do engodo para colocá-los na lógica cínica de controle social capitalista. Nessa lógica, o engodo é uma formação discursiva que coloca em jogo uma dimensão simbólica e imaginária para tomar cinicamente o outro como objeto de sua satisfação.

The political-pedagogical project is a school management document, mandatory for public schools, established in Brazilian federal legislation. The objective of the research was to unveil the ideology and utopia underlying the political-pedagogical projects. The empirical research of mixed methodology was carried out in two periods: 2010-2012 and 2018-2019, and employed, as a quantitative method, the inductive method, and in the qualitative basis, the Hermeneutic of Depth. The inductive method provided the cohort criteria in the data collection and the Hermeneutic of Depth provided the unveiling of the ideology and utopia hidden in the contents of the political-pedagogical projects. The qualitative analysis, through the Hermeneutic of Depth, resorted to the concepts of ideology and utopia in the Mannheimian perspective. The analysis was able to identify four ideological components and one utopian component. ; El proyecto político-pedagógico es un documento de gestión escolar, obligatorio para las escuelas públicas, establecido en la legislación federal brasileña. El objetivo de la investigación realizada fue desvelar la ideología y la utopía subyacentes a los proyectos político-pedagógicos. La investigación empírica de metodología mixta fue realizada en dos períodos: 2010-2012 y 2018-2019, y empleó, como método cuantitativo, el método inductivo, y en la base cualitativa, la Hermenéutica de Profundidad. El método inductivo proporcionó los criterios de cohorte en la recolección de los datos y la Hermenéutica de Profundidad propició el desvelado de la ideología y de la utopía ocultos en los contenidos de los proyectos político-pedagógicos. El análisis cualitativo, por intermedio de la Hermenéutica de Profundidad, recurrió a los conceptos de ideología y de utopía en la perspectiva mannheimiana. El análisis logró identificar cuatro componentes ideológicos y un componente utópico. ; O projeto político-pedagógico é um documento de gestão escolar, obrigatório para as escolas públicas, estabelecido na legislação federal ...

This research is part of our Master's thesis, and it proposes to analyze the statements expressed in the common sense about the language, in order to understand which ideology and the linguistic imaginary that cross these statements. Many studies have already been undertaken in relation to speeches about the language, highlighting those of Mariani (2004), who analyzed the speeches of writers and politicians, grammarians and scholars - people of influence in the society of Brazil colony. Thus, we propose to carry out this analysis to know the imaginary language that circulates in common sense, from comments of Internet users in the official fanpage of the Planalto Palace on Facebook, the first official pronouncement of President Michel Temer abroad. The theoretical perspective adopted is that of the Theory of Enunciation (BENVENISTE, 1989), focused on the presuppositions of Semantics of the Event (GUIMARÃES, 2002), and making use of the analytical movement of the rewriting procedure. We observe an imaginary language perpetuated in common sense based on the idea of a homogeneous, pure and idealized language; as well as being confused with spoken language and written language, having as a criterion for a Portuguese spoken in a "correct" way the approximation and fidelity to grammar. ; Esta pesquisa é parte de nossa dissertação de mestrado, e se propõe a analisar os dizeres enunciados no senso comum sobre a língua, no intuito de compreender qual a ideologia e o imaginário linguístico que atravessam esses enunciados. Muitos estudos já foram empreendidos em relação aos discursos sobre a língua, destacando os de Mariani (2004), que analisou os discursos de literatos e políticos, gramáticos e eruditos - pessoas de influência na sociedade do Brasil colônia. Assim, nos propomos a realizar esta análise para conhecer o imaginário de língua que circula no senso comum, a partir de comentários de internautas na fanpage oficial do Palácio do Planalto no Facebook, no primeiro pronunciamento oficial do presidente Michel Temer no exterior. A perspectiva teórica adotada é a da Teoria da Enunciação (Benveniste, 1989), voltada aos pressupostos da Semântica do Acontecimento (Guimarães, 2002), e fazendo uso do movimento analítico do procedimento de reescrituração. Observamos um imaginário de língua perpetuado no senso comum fundamentado na ideia de uma língua homogênea, pura e idealizada; bem como, confunde-se língua falada e língua escrita, tendo como critério para um português falado de modo "correto" a aproximação e fidelidade à gramatica.

Apresento aqui uma resposta aos comentários de R. Salles e M. Dantas, em que se discutem o uso da terminologia gramsciana, as diferenças ideológicas entre os partidos, os nomes dos partidos durante a Regência e o Segundo Reinado e a prática política nos âmbitos provincial e nacional. Argumento que os saquaremas não eram um partido hegemônico, seus líderes eram orgânicos, as diferenças entre os partidos eram essenciais em certos pontos e o uso dos nomes dos partidos no texto discutido decorre da utilização e significado coevos. Esta réplica também aborda as divergências fundamentais que envolveram o Ato Adicional, o significado da legislação centralizadora do Regresso e, por fim, os êxitos e limitações tanto do poder do Estado como da mobilização política provincial em influir no governo provincial, na política nacional e na prática política imperial. ; This is a response to comments by R. Salles and M. Dantas, and discusses the use of Gramscian terminology, ideological differences between the parties, party names used during the Regency and Second Reign, and political practice at the provincial and national levels. It argues that the saquaremas were not a hegemonic party, that their leaders were organic, that the differences between the parties were fundamental on certain points, and that the use of party names in the text debated derive from contemporary usage and meaning. The response also comments on the fundamental differences involved in the Additional Act, on the significance of the reactionary centralizing legislation, and, finally, on the success and limitations of both State power and of provincial political mobilization in affecting provincial government, national policy, and imperial political practice.

Islamism is not an abstract formula of Islamic faith, or even an excess of Islam. It comes from that context, yet in another level. This article will analyse it as a movement that, like any other social and political movement, has a certain doctrine and look for inspiration in a secular ideology that uses specific forms of political action to be succeeded. However, there is a difference: it is an ideology with religious precepts that become an immediate praxis, i.e., these precepts are reduced to instruments of analysis of social and political conflicts, thus justifying the dynamics political hostile political takeover. Islamism is a political ideology when forges governing formulas, based on the Quran, that demand the establishment of an Islamic state. It remains to determine the influence of religion in this political ideology. Adapted from the source document.