The current world order is undergoing a profound change in its structure, in the composition of the leading participants, and in the socio-cultural discourse that buttresses the political evolution of international relations. Two factors are essential to understand this process. First, several new states, or groups of states, entered the league of the leading world powers and began to exert a significant influence over global politics. Analysts often consider these players as civilizations, in that many such states aspire to proposing an alternative spiritual, cultural, political, and even economic developmental model. Second, the West and its followers began to experience a significant civilizational transformation at the socio-political and socio-cultural levels, placing such countries at a crossroad that could determine their existential future. Contextual transformations of this magnitude must always deploy ideology to legitimize ongoing political change, because ideology can question the prevailing conventions of the age to reflect fundamental shifts in society. From this point of view, the arrival of civilizations in the contemporary narrative of international relations invariably involves ideological doctrines that legitimize this process. This paper examines the emergent ideology of civilizational discourse, focusing on its central tenets, and discusses the political shifts that such an ideology seeks to justify.
The article discusses the role of culture in the formation of both political and general cultural ideology, based on an evaluative attitude to the elements of social organization, which, in its turn, is based on the right/wrong dichotomy. The author's position as a supporter of classical liberalism is substantiated.The author considers the role of a person's social environment in the formation of their evaluative views within the concept of the four circles of such an environment, affecting the individual and constituting their social environment and social space. He shows the role in the formation of a cultural and political ideology of a person that is played by their level of professional qualifications, their social competitiveness, manifested in their self-confidence or dominant paternalism. The role of low-skilled workers in the history of Russia is considered; the Soviet regime is interpreted as a dictatorship of low-skilled specialists over highly skilled ones. All this forms a certain ideology of both. Liberalism and conservatism are explored as ideological preferences of highly skilled and low-skilled specialists.Cultural artifacts are interpreted through the lens of liberalism and conservatism. A different attitude towards historical progress and the cultural forms of its manifestation underlies these ideological differences. ; В статье анализируется роль культуры в формировании как политической, так и общекультурной идеологии, основанной на оценочном отношении к элементам общественного устроения, базирующемся на дихотомии правильное/неправильное. Обосновывается авторская позиция как сторонника классического либерализма.Рассматривается роль социального окружения человека в формировании его оценочных взглядов в рамках концепции четырех кругов такого окружения, влияющих на индивида и составляющих его социальную среду и социальное пространство. Показано, какую роль в сложении культурной и политической идеологии человека играет уровень его профессиональной квалификации, его социальная конкурентоспособность, проявляющаяся в его уверенности в себе или доминирующем патернализме. Рассматривается роль низкоквалифицированных работников в истории России; при этом советская власть трактуется как диктатура низкоквалифицированных специалистов над высококвалифицированными. Все это формирует определенную идеологию тех и других. Исследуется либерализм и консерватизм как идеологические предпочтения высококвалифицированных и низкоквалифицированных специалистов.Культурные артефакты интерпретируются с позиций либерализма и консерватизма. В основании этих идеологических различий лежит разное отношение к историческому прогрессу и культурным формам его проявления.
The debating society "Makarov's tea party" chaired by the academician V.L. Makarov met on the 18th April 2019 in the Central Economic Mathematical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences in order to discuss the interrelationship between ideology and science. The society raised such issues as opposition and interpenetration of science and ideology; ideology and the genetic code of a nation; ideology and manipulation of conscience; numbers and facts as tools of ideological intervention. Here we present the most interesting points of the discussion. The authors of the reports: Makarov Valery, Doctor of Phys.-math., member of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Dementiev Victor, Doctor of Economics, Corr. RAS; Grebennikov Valery, Doctor of Economics; Ustyuzhanina Elena, Doctor of Economics.
The analysis performed shows that there was far more than just one type of socio-political reaction to Verdi's operas in the 1840s (the decade before series of revolutions in Europe, including Italy), and that these operas could be used to construct different collective ideological narratives that could have brought people together for different purposes. Moreover, though the close connection between nineteenth-century Italian opera and Risorgimento nationalism has been taken for granted by many generations of scholars, a careful study of historical evidence of political manifestations during operatic performances clearly demonstrates the limitations of this "natural" view. Instead, I advance a new interactionist hypothesis of interpretive activism and interpretive activists. These activists were the minority in opera's audience that, nevertheless, utilised different resources and techniques to rally the whole audience of a theatrical operatic performance (or at least the large part of it) around a political ideology that was profitable for these activists. It could be Risorgimento republican nationalism in favour of a future Italian unified nation. But it also could be support of pope Pius IX as a possible future leader of the country or even sympathy for the Austrians. Documentary evidence shows that a number of times Verdi's operas were replaced with patriotic popular songs and hymns that were obviously considered "more patriotic" and "more popular" than Verdi's art. The best way to explain the various ways in which Verdi's operas were used as an ideological tool in the Risorgimento era, is to consider opera as an audio-visual "space" that serves as a background for activities that are usually perceived as distracting or disturbing (political demonstrations, public speeches, revolutionary gatherings etc.). That interpretive activists could use the structural (modular structure) and acoustic (enormous orchestral sound range) possibilities and resources of opera to construct an ideological "story", largely ...
The article presents a critical analysis of the orientation toward deideologization and justifies the need for the development of the national Russian ideology, the need for a large-scale work on the consolidation of the modern Russian mass political consciousness on the basis of the proper civilizational identity ; Критикуется установка на деидеологизацию и обосновывается необходимость выработки российской общенациональной идеологии, широкомасштабной работы по консолидации современного российского массового политического сознания на основаниях собственной цивилизационной идентичности
The book about the objective laws of nature and society. Based on the paradigms of positivism and dialectical materialism proposes a new concept of civilization development. The author violated the unwritten ban on study of the relationship between society and the social elite, analyzing their driving forces and mechanisms. The detailed classification of the social elite introduces a number of new concepts and categories and is based on the thesis about the parasitic elite functions in a social environment. As the main driving force of civilization development is the confrontation of the State and Society.
Статья посвящена трансформациям социального знания в постсоветском обществе. Автор производит сопоставление когнитивных статусов идеологии и экспертного знания в современном политическом сознании и практике. Анализируются методологические и ценностные предпосылки, лежащие в основании экспертного знания. ; The article deals with the transformation of social knowledge in post-Soviet society. The author makes a comparison of the ideology cognitive statuses and expert knowledge in modern political consciousness and practice. It analyzes the methodological background and the values that lie at the base of expert knowledge.
The work presents the results of a study on the distribution of the theory of the Masonic conspiracy in Russian social and political thought at the beginning of the 20th century. Factors and sources of formation of anti-Masonic representations are revealed. Development of this theory is defined by authors of article as reaction to the system transformations happening in Russia and the indicator of the coming revolution. Classification of the basic approaches to reveal the essence of the Masonic conspiracy is carried out. Investigations of a Masonic plot from Department of police are exposed to separate consideration. The authors come to the conclusion that the theory of the Masonic conspiracy became an important compound component in the ideology of the Russian right at the beginning of the twentieth century.
In view of unprecedented public policy measures aimed at lockdowns of the whole countries across the world, due to the spread of COVID-19 disease, it is becoming obvious that such measures requiring prolonged switching off the economies, are mainly disproportional to the threat, excessive and, therefore, must be reconsidered as soon as possible. Passiveness and laxness of politicians may cause tremendous financial losses to budgets, damage to economies, transition to constant violation of constitutions and human rights. An Open Letter to Federal Chancellor of Germany Angela Merkel disclosing the incorrect interpretation of COVID-19 data by media and politicians, was prepared by the author and is taken as a basis of this communiqué.
To regard Chinese popular culture of the Mao era as "propaganda" constructed through the ideological apparatus, is a common approach. However, one can take a different, soberer research position and try to discern other dimensions in the cultural texts of this era. Such a novel, more complex understanding allows us to see vibrant popular culture beyond the obvious ideologically-driven narratives of the Cultural Revolution. The efficacy of this multidimensional view of Maoist popular culture is demonstrated through discussion of several model dramas, especially Red Detachment of Women.
The purpose of this article is the analysis of the theoretical foundations of radical Islamism as a political ideology and consideration of the main historical stages of its formation, on the examples of specific religious and political figures. The article presents the main principles of the theorists of radical Islam, on the ideological basis of which there are modern extremist groups such as "Islamic State", "Al-Qaeda", "Hizbut-Tahrir" and many others.The author addresses the Koran and the collection of Hadiths "Musnad" by Ahmad ibn Hanbal, as well as the works of Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Wahhab, Hassan al-Banna, Seyyid Kutub, Abu al-Al Al-Maududi, etc., as well as the works of local and foreign scholars in this research area. The article is divided into two main parts, the first of which is devoted to the basic postulates of radical Islam, the second is focused on their practical implementation in the political practice of Muslim States. The author came to the conclusion that throughout the history Islamic radicalis periodically received a substantial distribution as one of the answers of the Muslim world, on the one hand, to external pressure, and on the other to the processes happening within itself that a certain group of "zealots" interpreted as the deviation from the true meaning of the religion.
The work presents the results of a study on the distribution of the theory of the Masonic conspiracy in Russian social and political thought at the beginning of the 20th century. Factors and sources of formation of anti-Masonic representations are revealed. Development of this theory is defined by authors of article as reaction to the system transformations happening in Russia and the indicator of the coming revolution. Classification of the basic approaches to reveal the essence of the Masonic conspiracy is carried out. Investigations of a Masonic plot from Department of police are exposed to separate consideration. The authors come to the conclusion that the theory of the Masonic conspiracy became an important compound component in the ideology of the Russian right at the beginning of the twentieth century.
The paper is dedicated to the analysis of the century-old event that changed the political map of the world – the Great October Socialist Revolution. The author considers the reasons for and cultural basis of the Socialist Revolution drawing upon the works of the thinkers, participants, and eye witnesses of those events.The monarchical regime that had existed in Russia for over three centuries was unable to meet the challenges of the time. The weakness and historical exhaustion of autocracy was demonstrated by the Russo-Japanese War, in which Russia incurred heavy losses and was defeated. The First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907 did not abolish autocracy, neither did it offer any practical solutions to numerous social, economic and other problems. The country did not have aircraft or machinery; the main army means of transport was horse-driven carriages; the population was hardly literate. Russia had been a "second-rate" capitalist country, and so it remained. These and other factors led to the February Bourgeois and Democratic Revolution a decade later.The 1917 February Revolution, liberal in its essence, put an end to autocracy. For a limited time period, Russia became the most liberal and democratic country in the world but it was unable to solve the problems of land, war and peace, or the ethnic issue. The Interim Government, which appeared at the helm of the state power, due to different ideological views, was incapable of elaborating common objectives and goals or a consistent approach for Russia to overcome the systemic crisis. It did not have enough authority to effect broad-scale reforms in the country and therefore did not enjoy people's support, being already in disrepute. As a result, this led to the October Revolution, which changed the vector of Russia's social and cultural development.By virtue of specific Russian cultural character, the October Revolution was inevitable. This is what a lot of its participants thought in spite of their membership in ideologically different parties and organisations. Such would be the end of the deadlock in which Russia was stuck. The revolution eliminated the inequality in social welfare consumption, and created a gap of social opportunities. It demonstrated to the whole world that it is not only the higher strata of society that is capable of making history, but it is also the creative impulse of the people. The October Revolution was the "Modern revolution" as well; because of it Russia became a modern state in compliance with the world standards. ; Статья посвящена анализу события столетней давности, которое изменило политическую карту мира, — Великой Октябрьской социалистической революции. Автор рассматривает причины и духовные основания социалистической революции, опираясь на труды мыслителей, участников и очевидцев тех событий. Монархический строй, просуществовавший в России более трех столетий, не сумел ответить на вызовы времени. Слабость и историческую исчерпанность самодержавия показала Русско-японская война, в которой Россия понесла огромные потери, потерпела поражение. Первая русская революция 1905–1907 гг. не ликвидировала самодержавие, практически не решила многие социально-экономические и другие вопросы. В стране не было самолетов, машин, в армии главным средством передвижения был гужевой транспорт; крайне низкой была грамотность населения. Россия как была страной «второго эшелона» капитализма, так и осталась. Эти и другие факторы через десять лет привели к Февральской буржуазно-демократической революции.Февральская революция 1917 г., либеральная по своей сути, покончила с самодержавием. Россия на короткое время стала самой свободной и демократической страной в мире, но не сумела решить проблемы земли, войны и мира, национальный вопрос. Временное правительство, которое оказалось у руля государственной власти, в силу различных идеологических взглядов не смогло выработать общие цели и задачи, единую тактику по выводу России из системного кризиса. Оно не имело необходимых полномочий для проведения широких преобразований в стране и поэтому не получило поддержки народа, теряло свою и без того невысокую популярность. В результате это привело к Октябрьской революции, которая изменила вектор социокультурного развития России.В силу российской культурной специфики Октябрьская революция была неизбежной. Так считали многие участники тех событий, несмотря на принадлежность к разным идеологическим партиям и организациям. Это был выход из тупика, в котором оказалась Россия. Революция ликвидировала неравенство в потреблении социальных благ, создала люфт социальных возможностей. Она показала всему миру, что не только высшие слои общества, элита способны делать историю, но и творческий порыв народа. Октябрьская революция была «революцией Модерна», благодаря ей Россия превратилось в современное по мировым стандартам государство.
In the article, the transformation of classic rationality is examined in the direction of positive science diversification and other forms of mastering the world, such as ideology and metaphysics. The special attention is paid to the research of opposition between positive science and ideology. Ideology is examined as the spiritually-practical phenomenon that goes beyond the limit of the classic rationality canons. The new stage in development of positive science comes with appearance of studies about values. The model of valued-rational action gives positive science an opportunity to investigate mass political actions, without using the category of "ideology". Development of conceptual ideology model within the framework of methodological paradigm of positivism could be examined as the changes in the regularly recommencing attempts to clean positive knowledge from metaphysical, ideological and valued influences, saving its objective content. ; В статье рассматривается трансформация классической рациональности в направлении диверсификации позитивной науки и иных форм освоения мира, таких как идеология и метафизика. Особое внимание уделяется исследованию противостояния позитивной науки и идеологии. Идеология рассматривается как духовно-практический феномен, не укладывающийся в каноны классической рациональности. Новый этап в развитии позитивной науке наступает с появлением учения о ценностях. Модель ценностно-рационального действия дает возможность позитивной науке исследовать массовые политические акции, не обращаясь к категории «идеология».