Criticism and ideology: second African Writers' Conference, Stockholm 1986
In: Seminar proceedings / Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 20
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In: Seminar proceedings / Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 20
World Affairs Online
Welfare, and the role of social democracy in defining its content and meaning, is often described as one of Sweden's distinguishing features. However, in the quest for liberalization and marketization, reforms in past decades have substantially changed the political landscape. These developments have led many to question the viability of describing the main political actors and their attitudes towards the welfare state in terms of left or right. This dissertation contributes to the understanding of ideological convergence and past and current political cleavages by analysing the welfare debate on freedom of choice between the two main political opponents in Swedish politics over three decades. Using a morphological approach, where ideologies are viewed as distinctive configurations of political concepts creating specific conceptual patterns depending on how they are combined, the analysis focuses on the content of the concept of choice by examining the conceptual relationships between political concepts such as choice, the public and the private, equality, equity and need. The analysis reveals a convergence suggesting that the parties have united around a narrower concept of freedom of choice that relates to how it is implemented in welfare services, that is, the choice between different providers of welfare services. However, important differences remain, which are expressed in the parties' differing conceptions of the power resources citizens need to become truly free individuals. These findings suggest that, while freedom of choice has become a central concept in the political debate, it is not central to the parties' ideologies. Instead, the core of the parties' ideologies appears to be articulated in e.g. the political cleavages that remain, which can be described as differing views on the role of politics and competing conceptions of need and equality. It is how these cleavages are translated into policies that will determine possible welfare choices in the future.
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In: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis. Gothenburg studies in the history of science and ideas 3
In: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia historica Upsaliensia 158
In: Arkiv Avhandlingsserie 16
In: Lund political Studies 38
In: Symposion bibliotek
In: Gothenburg studies in the history of science and ideas 3
The Royal Academy of Sciences was an important organization in eighteenth-century Sweden. It brought together scientists and scholars contributing to a wide spectrum of areas, encompassing nature as well as society. But it also maintained close ties to the elite and the political establishment. The academy formed part of the institutional landscape of power and functioned as a consultive body and an arena for the upper echelons of the Swedish realm. The monograph sheds light on the political and economic outlook of the Royal Academy of Sciences during the period 1739–1792 against the background of its intimate connections to the ruling stratum. Not least the Hat Party, which dominated the Swedish political scene during the Age of Liberty, and the autocratic King Gustav III. The study shows that the members of the academy overall gravitated towards traditional viewpoints and that their conceptualizations of society were substantially affected by their interactions with the power holders. While some fellows offered new ideas in line with an increasing contemporary emphasis on spontaneous societal development and the capability of individuals to act responsibly on their own accord, such notions were by no means prevalent. Moreover, the book demonstrates that neither the academy nor its members constituted a passive tool for the elite and the powers that be. Rather, they engaged in self-promotion by attributing themselves a crucial role in the project of general improvement they envisioned and added to.
In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Band 105, Heft 4, S. 297-317
ISSN: 0039-0747
Most theories on the fall of communism focus on non-ideological factors. An approach with a potential to make visible also the ontological crisis of Marxism-Leninism is the study of communist regime legitimacy. This paper reviews Max Weber's & David Beetham's respective theories on the legitimition of power. It presents the mainly Weber-inspired research on political legitimacy that was conducted by Western scholars of the communist world & goes onto argue that the Weber-typology has very little to offer if one wants to render intelligible the ideological aspects to the demise of communism. With Beetham's theory as a point of departure, & with references to other students of Marxism-Leninism, the paper tries to show how ideology can be seen as a manifest, active & limiting factor in the former communist systems & that it is possible to study the fall of communism focusing on ideology & political legitimacy. 44 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Band 112, Heft 3, S. 271-287
ISSN: 0039-0747
The purpose is to discuss the relationship between populism & journalism at three different levels: populism as an invective, populism as news criteria & populism as news ideology. Sometimes populism is used pejoratively by scholars in fine with its general use in the media as synonym of opportunism, demagogy & overzealous search for popularity. Sometimes populism in the media is mainly linked to the newsworthiness of charismatic political leaders & their rhetoric. Sometimes scholars see an ideological kinship between populism & the journalistic ideology manifesting itself in the so-called media logic. Mazzoleni calls this media populism. The main limitation of the media populism approach is its normative starting point. This also ignores the fact that both populism & media logic are part of different media-political systems with different characteristics depending on the political, economical, cultural & historical background. A historical-political approach to the relation between populism & journalism in different media systems, as defined by Hallin & Mancini seems to be more fruitful. Adapted from the source document.
De senaste åren har sjukförsäkringen utvecklats i en åtstramande riktning utan att någon ändring av socialförsäkringsbalken har skett. Tidigare forskning har fokuserat på regeringens styrning mot ett sjukpenningtal på 9,0 som förklaring till Försäkringskassans förändrade tillämpning. Inom ramen för denna förklaring har även aktiveringspolitikens påverkan på styrningen lyfts fram. I denna artikel argumenterar jag för att det inte endast är regeringens styrning och aktiveringspolitiken som påverkat Försäkringskassans interna styrning, utan också en självideologi hos myndigheten som ligger i linje med ett ämbetsmannastatligt etos. Artikeln undersöker detta genom att göra en åtskillnad mellan enkelt respektivekvalificerat handlingsutrymme hos förvaltningen. Artikeln driver tesen att förändringen inom sjukförsäkringen har sin grund i en kombination av en ämbetsmannastatlig idé om relationen mellan politik och förvaltning (utövandet av ett kvalificerat handlingsutrymme) och en aktiveringspolitisk idé om relationen mellan stat och individ. ; Since the first two decades of the 21st century the Swedish social insurance system has evolved in a more restrictive direction without any corresponding change in the law. Previous research has mainly focused on the government's steering towards a sickness benefit ratio of 9.0 as an explanation to the changed enforcement of the system. Within the framework of this explanation, the activation policy has also been highlighted as a form of meta-ideology that has influenced the governance. This article argues that it's not only the government's control of activation policy that governs the actions of the Swedish social insurance agency, but also a specific ethos of the bureaucracy which consist of the self- ideology that the agency is the lord of the welfare state, not the server. In order to explore this, the article make a distinction between two types of discretion of the bureaucracy, and argue that the change in the Swedish social ...
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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to explain institutional changes in the Swedish meat industry after major external events. Design/methodology/approach - Analysis based on secondary data sources and interviews with people involved when the dominant meat co-operative in Sweden underwent major changes. Findings - The decline in the Swedish meat industry is interpreted using the theory of institutional change presented by Aoki (2007, 2011). The country's former national agricultural policy created a specific set of norms and values. Co-operatives were considered to be indispensable. The co-operative sector was large and hierarchically organised. Therefore, external signals did not create sufficient endogenous processes within the co-operatives. Co-operative adaptation to rising competitive pressure took place only reluctantly and belatedly. Hence many farmer-members defected and the major co-operative faced finally insurmountable problems. A strong ideological conviction caused the once dominant co-operative to collapse and much of the Swedish meat industry to disappear. Originality/value - This study shows that strong ideology (here a conviction about the advantages of politically governed co-operatives) can hamper endogenous processes within an organisation. Management may ignore outside influences, to the extent that even a large industry is impaired. Other large, hierarchically structured and top-governed organisations with a strong ideology may behave in a similar way.
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In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Band 114, Heft 3, S. 413-429
ISSN: 0039-0747
The article is a study of politicians' views on literature based on motions and debates in the Swedish parliament 2000 -- 2010. The aim is to investigate the political agenda for literature and the functions ascribed to literature, reading and books during the period. The first part examines the uses of the concepts literature, reading, and books and these notions are traced into ideology as well as theoretical traditions within literary studies. The ways these concepts are used has political consequences for regulations and support of literature and book trade as a whole. Literature is throughout the period and by most speakers credited with a particular value and becomes a symbol of a better and more democratic world. This utopian vision of literature is significant as it is transformed into real-life politics and regulations. Adapted from the source document.