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Facemasks have been empirically shown as one of the most effective non-pharmaceutical interventions in preventing the spread of COVID-19. However, research shows that individuals identifying as politically conservative are less likely to comply with mask mandates and engage in less mask wearing. This study investigated five variables that could explain the relationship between political identity and less mask wearing: loyalty to ingroup and obedience to authority moral foundations, trust in science, belief in conspiracy theories, and psychological reactance. Using an online survey system, 138 U.S. adults completed several measures of political identity, mask wearing, and the hypothesized covariates. A simple regression model showed a significant negative relationship between conservative political identity and mask wearing. A multiple regression model including the hypothesized covariates showed that the inclusion of these variables did not account for the relationship between political identity and mask wearing, which was still significant, and only psychological reactance was significant. A supplemental analysis indicated that the covariates seemed to account for about 54% of the relationship between conservative political identity and less mask wearing. Other factors are discussed that could potentially account for the remaining variance in this relationship. This line of research may aid public health officials in their recommendations to society so that populations with low adherence to pandemic health-related behaviors are more receptive to them. Achieving this could help curb the spread of COVID-19 and protect countless individuals.

States adopt policy innovations within the confines of a dynamic American federal system, but our study of policy diffusion tends to be fairly static. Single‐policy studies incorporate temporal variation, but for only one innovation. Macro‐level analyses examine broad patterns, but often by completely pooling across policy and time. This makes it difficult to identify how diffusion patterns change over time, though Walker's early work explicitly identified such temporal instability. This study specifically examines how neighbor and ideological cues change in importance over time using a dataset of 556 policies adopted from 1960 to 2014. While the findings demonstrate the generality of many key internal, external, and policy‐level determinants of adoption, there is variation in these effects across time. Most important is the relative stability of ideological similarity between adopters and declining influence of contiguous neighbors. Further, political polarization plays a role in conditioning neighbor and ideological cues.

En consonancia con una preocupación generalizada en las sociedades occidentales, el cine contemporáneo refleja, a través de la comida, el conflicto ideológico y práctico existente, los estilos de vida aparejados a ciertas tradiciones y los valores de la sociedad moderna. En tanto que máquina representacional consciente de su influjo simbólico, la gran pantalla traspone esta tensión axiológica, política e identitaria. La definición de categorías genéricas ocupa, en este debate, un espacio central. El presente trabajo se apoya en ejemplos de films de varias nacionalidades, como la española La piel que habito (Pedro Almodóvar, 2011), la italiana La soledad de los números primos (La solitudine dei numeri primi, Saverio Costanzo, 2010), las suecas Déjame entrar (Låt den rätte komma in, Tomas Alfredson, 2008) y Millenium 1 (Män som hatar kvinnor, Niels Arden Oplev, 2009), o los remakes estadounidenses de estas dos últimas, titulados respectivamente Déjame entrar (Let Me In, Matt Reeves, 2010) y Millenium: Los hombres que no amaban a las mujeres (The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo, David Fincher, 2011), para ilustrar las tendencias más significativas. ; In accordance with a widespread preoccupation in occidental societies, contemporary cinema reflects, through food, existing ideological and practical conflicts, lifestyles linked to certain traditions, and the values of modern society. As a representational machine aware of its symbolic influence, the big screen exposes this axiological, political and identificatory tension. Central to this debate is the definition of generic categories. To illustrate the most significant tendencies, the current paper reflects on various examples of world cinema: The Skin I Live In (La piel que habito, Pedro Almodóvar, 2011); The Solitude of Prime Numbers (La solitudie dei numeri primi, Saverio Costanzo, 2010); Let Me In (Lat den rätte komma in, Tomas Alfredson, 2008) and Millenium 1 (Män som hatar kvinnor, Niels Arden Oplev, 2009), and their American remakes, respectively titled Let Me In (Matt Reeves, 2010) and The Girl With the Dragon Tattoo (David Fincher, 2011)

In this study I establish a universal typology of Chinese political elites and trace the elites' transformation by analyzing the demographic and sociopolitical composition of the Chinese Communist Party's Central Committee. The data set comprises the full and alternate membership of the Central Committees, from the First (1921) to the Seventeenth (2007). China's political elites started out as ideology-oriented/replacement types with strong unity, low differentiation, and wide circulation through radical methods. However, they have evolved into fragmented/reproductive types with weak unity, high differentiation, and narrow circulation through moderate methods. (Asian Perspec/GIGA)

The Emergency Economic Stabilization Act, also known as the "Wall Street Bailout," authorized the allocation of $700B US to address the financial crisis of 2008. The "bailout" did not pass easily; members of the United States Congress reported feedback from angry constituents urging them to vote against it, and the measure failed its first vote in the House of Representatives. This essay focuses on metaphors used in public discourse to describe the "bailout" in the ten days between its introduction to Congress and its failure in the House. Advocates of the economic stimulus plan relied on metaphors that evacuated human agency, portraying the plan as an emergency measure necessitated by crises such as illness, natural disasters, and mechanical failures. Opponents to the plan extended and modified the administration's metaphors to communicate a critique of the transfer of federal funds to private entities for the good of the public.