Suchergebnisse

En el artículo, se sigue el objetivo de revisar los planteamientos del español radicado en México, Adolfo Sánchez, fallecido en 2011, luego de una destacada actividad investigativa en la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM). Sus reflexiones en torno a la estética de Marx llevaron a Sánchez a plantear asuntos como la praxis de la creación artística, en que el realismo socialista que busca el reflejo del mundo y la ideología en la obra resulta perjudiciales para la tarea estética e, incluso, pueden coartar la libertad del creador. Sánchez se preocupa por incluir en la praxis estética la acción interpretativa del lector en que el placer por una obra nos conecta con la significación de lo humano, raíz del sentido de la belleza. De tal modo, en la expresión estética de una obra, las mediaciones culturales e ideológicas no se dan ausentes, ya que las ideas culturales, políticas o filosóficas dejan huellas en la creación del artista. ; The text follows the objective of reviewing the approaches of Adolfo Sánchez, Spanish resident in Mexico, who died in 2011, after an outstanding research activity at UNAM. His reflections on the aesthetics of Marx led Sanchez to raise issues such as the praxis of artistic creation, where the socialist realism that seeks the reflection of the world and the ideology in the work, are detrimental to the aesthetic activity and can even coerce the freedom of the creator. Sanchez is concerned to include in the aesthetic praxis the interpretative action of the reader where the pleasure for a work connects us with the meaning of the human, root of the sense of beauty. So in the aesthetic expression of a work the cultural and ideological mediations are not absent, since cultural, political or philosophical ideas leave traces in the creation of the artist.

EITAN GINZBERG: Revolutionary Ideology and Political Destiny in Mexico,1928-1934: Lázaro Cárdenas and Adalberto Tejeda. Brighton: SussexAcademic Press, 2015.

LAZAR, M. M. (Org.) Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis. Gender, Power and Ideology in Discourse. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, 251 Págs.

In this paper I strive to illuminate the connections between the ideology of Yugoslav nationalism and the discourse on music and music production in the interwar Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In order to comprehend the traits that are germane to the aforementioned practices, I propose the notion of primordial modernism. Primordialism was a crucial standpoint for vindicating the existence of a united Yugoslav nation, which was to enclose the 'tribes of different histories, religions and even languages. A concern to be modern was also pertinent, as a part of the endeavour to produce a semblance of Yugoslavia as a modern, progressive European state. The paradigm of primordial modernism compromises these distinct tendencies, presupposing that a musical work should be ostensibly modern, but, at the same time, that it should use folk material in a manner that reveals the existence of its deeper, psychological, primitive, prehistoric layers. ; U ovom radu pokušavam da rasvetlim veze između ideologije jugoslovenskog nacionalizma i diskursa o muzici i muzičke produkcije u međuratnoj Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. Kako bismo bolje razumeli ove veze predlažem uvođenje termina primordijalni modernizam, po ugledu na istoričara arhitekture Aleksandra Ignjatovića. Kao vid teorije nacionalizma, primordijalizam je jedini omogućavao definisanje jedinstvene jugoslovenske nacije, koja je trebalo da obuhvati 'plemena' koja su imala različitu istoriju, kulturu, religiju, pa čak i jezik. Ideja da su jugoslovenski narodi u trenutku početka istorije bili jedno, i da ih njihove rasno-biološke odlike i dalje ujedinjuju bila je u srži ideologije jugoslovenstva iza koje je stajala dinastija Karađorđevića i državna birokratija, te je ova ideja ujedno predstavljala i jednu od osnova kulturne politike Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Imperativ da se Jugoslavija, u realnosti zaostala, nerazvijena i agrarna zemlja, prikaže kao moderna evropska nacija nije bio ništa manje izražen, jer je ideal modernizacije novostvorene države bio jedan od temeljnih razloga njenog postojanja. Primordijalni modernizam je formiran kao rezultat sinteze ovih tendencija, kao paradigma kojom je usmeravana produkcija umetnosti, a koja je bila posebno uticajna na polju muzičke produkcije. Paradigmom primordijalnog modernizma se od muzičkog dela očekuje da otelotvoruje moderan i napredan stil, ali i da koristi folklorni materijal (ili tematski materijal srodan folkloru) na način koji bi trebalo da u njemu otkrije postojanje dubljih, psiholoških, primitivnih, slojeva, koji transcendiraju trenutačne kulture 'plemena i odražavaju predistorijsko jedinstvo Jugoslovena. Zanimljivo je da se primordijalni modernizam često pojavljuje u vezi sa modernim stremljenjima koja su prepoznavana kao uticaj čehoslovačke kulture; Čehoslovačka ne samo što je bila saveznik Jugoslaviji u zaštiti granica Versajskog sporazuma, već je smatrana srodnom slovenskom nacijom i progresivnom evropskom zemljom na koju se treba ugledati. Paradigma primordijalnog modernizma može se pronaći kako u diskursu o muzici, tako i u muzičkoj produkciji. U cilju da pokažem prisutnost i važnost ovakvog načina mišljenja ukazaću na stavove vodećih muzičkih pisaca u Jugoslaviji, kao što su Miloje Milojević i Antun Dobronić. Istražujući muzičku produkciju potrebno je ukazati ne samo na konkretna dela (npr. Dobronića, Josipa Slavenskog i Mihovila Logara), već i na institucionalno okruženje u kome su ona nastajala, kao i na retoriku koja je pratila njihovu recepciju. Značajno je naglasiti da primordijalni modernizam nije stilska kategorija, već ideološka praksa koja je uticala na kompozitore različitih generacija i stilskih opredeljenja.

The article analyses a travelogue by British traveller Edward Daniel Clarke, which was one of the first encyclopaedic descriptions of the Crimean Peninsula, visited by the author in 1800. Clarke's book appeared to be extraordinarily popular with his contemporaries and modern researchers, though the issue of the author's descriptive strategy and its influence on the text's objectivity has never been addressed previously. Clarke's narrative combines elements of a travel journal, academic research, and a political pamphlet. The article reveals how Clarke transforms archaeological sites description into an "ideological weapon." The traveller used archaeology as a key argument to prove Russia was uncivilized and had to be banished from the Crimea. In his opinion, the Russians were inclined to destroy archaeological monuments from ancient and mediaeval periods without any pity or reason. In the eighteenth century, antiquity gradually came into fashion in Western Europe, and Greece became apprehended as the cradle of European civilization, therefore blaming the Russians for the destruction of ancient buildings and artefacts would be a clear statement of their barbarism. Clarke's approach was discriminatory, as the traveller interpreted the cases of antiquities destruction by the Ottomans, Tatars, or Brits in a different way. Although there really exists reliable evidence that old structures in the Crimea were damaged during the Russian period, Clarke was the first one who considered them in terms of ideology. His travelogue had a great influence on the scholarship that followed, since the new generations of authors were inclined to take it uncritically. ; В статье анализируется травелог британца Эдварда-Даньела Кларка, представляющий собой одно из первых энциклопедических описаний Крымского полуострова, где автор побывал в 1800 г. Записки Кларка оказались чрезвычайно популярны у современников и нынешних исследователей, однако вопрос об авторской стратегии и ее влиянии на объективность текста пока не ставился. В сочинении Кларка можно выявить элементы путевого дневника, научного исследования и политического памфлета. В статье показаны приемы, с помощью которых Кларк превращает описание археологических памятников в «идеологическое оружие». Доказывая «нецивилизованность» России и необходимость ее изгнания из Крыма, Кларк использовал в качестве оригинального аргумента археологию. По его мнению, русским свойственно безжалостное и бессмысленное разрушение археологических памятников античной и средневековой эпохи. В XVIII в. античность постепенно входила в моду в Западной Европе, а Грецию начали воспринимать как колыбель европейской цивилизации, поэтому обвинение русских в уничтожении античных построек и вещей было явным доказательством варварства. Избирательность подхода Кларка заключалась в том, что разрушение древностей турками, татарами или своими соотечественниками он интерпретировал иначе. Свидетельства уничтожения древних сооружений в Крыму в российскую эпоху действительно существуют, но Кларк был первым, кто осмыслил их в терминах идеологии. Его записки оказали колоссальное влияние на последующую западную историографию, склонную относиться к ним некритически.

AbstractThis work separately applies two psychology frameworks—the three dimensions along which people are evaluated (competence, morality, and warmth) and individual sociopolitical attitudes (modern sexism [MS], right‐wing authoritarianism [RWA], and social dominance orientation (SDO)—to explore voter evaluations of Donald Trump and Joseph Biden both prior to (Study 1), and in the month following (Study 2), the 2020 U.S. presidential election. At both time points, Democrats and Republicans rated their own party's candidate similarly on the three trait dimensions and overall favorability. They differed, however, in evaluations of the other party's candidate. Republicans viewed Biden more positively both overall and on the trait dimensions than Democrats viewed Trump. Favorability ratings and trait perceptions for one's own party candidate were comparable pre‐ and postelection but were more negative postelection for the opposite party's candidate. RWA predicted favorability toward Trump, above and beyond political affiliation and sociodemographic factors, at both time points in addition to MS preelection and SDO postelection; RWA negatively predicted favorability toward Biden pre‐ but not postelection. Moreover, RWA predicted a vote for Trump versus Biden above and beyond political affiliation, highlighting the importance of considering sociopolitical attitudes in political decision‐making.

Zoya Hasan, Ideology and Organization in Indian Politics: Polarization and the Growing Crisis of the Congress Party (2009–19), Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2022, x+205 pp., ₹1495, ISBN 978-0-19-286341-6 (Hardback).

В статті пропонується логічна реконструкція генези політичної ідеології: 1) десинкретизація первісного мислення і автономізація міфу від ритуалу; 2) телеологічний поворот мислення в ході «осьової революції»; 3) сакралізація «майбутнього» у християнстві; 4) легітимація особистого інтересу протестантизмом. Стверджується, що момент, коли сакрально зрозумілий інтерес асимілюється політичною практикою як засада легітимації політичних цілей, і є моментом народження політичної ідеології. Доводиться думка, що маркуванням постмодерного ментального повороту є редукція концепту «минуле — сучасне — майбутнє» до концепту «сучасне». ; The «deideologization» of modern politics can be regarded as a symptom of a crisis not of politics but rather of a traditional understanding of politics. The modern political class uses various ideological constructions as an instrument, which apparently are not politicized, but in essence they quite successfully solve the tasks of political management of the public consciousness. In modern scientific discourse, there is a return to the broad context of the use of the notion of «ideology», «ideologeme». Primarily, this concerns the semiotic interpretation of the ideology of U. Eco, R. Bart, J. Kristeva. The dichotomy of falsity — the truth of ideological consciousnesspassesthroughthe wholehistory of the study of the problem. For example, S. Zizek, who continued the Lacanian discourse of the unconscious, characterizes ideology as a «social symptom», meaning fantasm, which, being in part non-knowledge, not only distorts reality, but also structures it. The task of the article is to examine, in the context of a broad understanding of ideology and taking into account the significance of social unconsciousness in it: 1) the constructiveness of the influence of social time on the genesis and constitution of political ideology; 2) the chronotopical aspect of the political management of public consciousness under the conditions of mental transformations in the postmodern era. The following logical reconstruction of the genesis of political ideology is proposed: 1) samplingof primitive thinking and autonomization of myth from ritual; 2) teleological turn of thinking during the «axial revolution»; 3) the sacralization of the «future» in Christianity and 4) the legitimization of personal interest by Protestantism. It is argued that the moment when sacredly understood interest is assimilated by political practice and used as a basis for legitimizing political goals («bright future») is the moment of birth of the actual political ideology. In parallel with the sacralization and political assimilation of interest, the process of scientizing thought took place. The «sacralization» of the future, only liberated from the religious shell, is consistent with the enlightened ideology of progress. Scientific rationalization of thinking gradually devalues Christianity, and the modernized «chronos» of progress supersedes the «topos» of the «City of God.» The idea is that the alliance «power-technology-communication» that was formed in the postmodern epoch designated a mental turn, the marking of which was the reduction of the «past — present — future» concept to the «present» concept. In our opinion, in postmodern discourse,itis not so much a «deideologization» of consciousness as its «de-logization» Intertextuality, the deconstruction of the text, the discursive pluralism of postmodern discourse became demanded precisely because of the crisis of the «Logos» as a «supporting structure» of social consciousness. According to S. S. Averintsev, «we live in an era when all the words are spoken.» Paraphrasing the author, let's say: we live in an era when all the words are spoken, but have not yet figured out how to join in the meaning. ; В статье предлагается логическая реконструкция генезиса политической идеологии: 1) десинкретизация первобытного мышления и автономизация мифа от ритуала; 2) телеологогический поворот мышления в ходе «осевой революции»; 3) сакрализация «будущего» в христианстве; 4) легитимация личного интереса протестантизмом. Утверждается, что момент, когда сакрально понятый интерес ассимилируется политической практикой как основание легитимации политических целей, и является моментом рождения политической идеологии. Проводится мысль, что маркировкой постмодерного ментального поворота является редукция концепта «прошлое — настоящее — будущее» к концепту «настоящее».

Studying Senate roll call votes during the Reagan administration sheds light on the interaction of party, ideology, and local economic benefit as explanatory factors in a senator's decision to support the president's position on defense spending issues. Party and ideology are found to be the most important of these three, but their effects change when moving from consideration of major procurement issues to those involving the use, training, and readiness of the nation's military. Further, incorporating issue-based differences and indirect effects into the analysis suggests the effects of local economic benefit are not as inconsequential as some recent studies have argued. In summary, these findings focus attention on the role played by elections and the circumstances in which presidential leadership may be most effective on defense spending issues.

The promotion of human rights has faced challenges in recent years in the United States and elsewhere. In this study, human rights discourses are examined in the context of strategic foreign policy rhetoric by the United States. The routine of foreign policy statements is meant to create audiences receptive to U.S. foreign policy aims, but also reveals underlying ideologies and assumptions. The analysis examines U.S. State Department Human Rights Country Reports between 2000 and 2019. The results show that the assumed ideal model of human rights is heavily based on U.S. political tradition. The performance of other countries is evaluated against the 'exceptionalist' U.S. model without consideration of different cultural or societal contexts. Linguistic choices are made to highlight the agency of authorities and events, which can be seen as a strategy of diplomatic face-saving. In some cases, countries are evaluated on an unequal basis based on political expediency. ; Peer reviewed

Vaccine hesitancy is one of the major obstacles for successfully combating the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. To achieve a sufficiently high vaccination rate, calls for compulsory vaccinations have been discussed controversially. This study analyses what drives citizens' attitudes towards compulsory vaccination during the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, we are interested in the impact of party- and expert cues on public attitudes. We further expect populist attitudes to be an important indicator of the rejection of compulsory vaccination due to their scepticism towards science. To test these expectations, we rely on a cueing experiment conducted on a sample of 2265 German citizens. We test for the effects of in-party and out-party cues as well as public health expert cues. We find evidence for in-party cues, meaning that respondents adjust their position on this issue in the direction of their most preferred party. Similar results can be found for public health expert cues. However, there is no evidence for out-party cues. Further analyses reveal that support for compulsory vaccinations is not affected by left-right placement directly. Instead, only the combination of right-wing attitudes and populism negatively affects support for compulsory vaccination.

Vaccine hesitancy is one of the major obstacles for successfully combating the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. To achieve a sufficiently high vaccination rate, calls for compulsory vaccinations have been discussed controversially. This study analyses what drives citizens' attitudes towards compulsory vaccination during the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, we are interested in the impact of party- and expert cues on public attitudes. We further expect populist attitudes to be an important indicator of the rejection of compulsory vaccination due to their scepticism towards science. To test these expectations, we rely on a cueing experiment conducted on a sample of 2265 German citizens. We test for the effects of in-party and out-party cues as well as public health expert cues. We find evidence for in-party cues, meaning that respondents adjust their position on this issue in the direction of their most preferred party. Similar results can be found for public health expert cues. However, there is no evidence for out-party cues. Further analyses reveal that support for compulsory vaccinations is not affected by left-right placement directly. Instead, only the combination of right-wing attitudes and populism negatively affects support for compulsory vaccination.

In his book Histoire de l'extrême droite en France (A history of the extreme right in France), the French historian Michel Winock shows how difficult it is to give a simple, accurate definition of the extreme right, which he presents as 'a hard political tendency but a soft concept'. However, one of the characteristics which are common to most extreme right-wing parties is that they tend to inscribe their discourse on identity (not only from a political point of view but also from a cultural or even biological point of view) inside a marginal space and even a space of marginality, a domain for marginal personalities.We shall see that those organisations choose to place themselves deliberately into the margins of the political landscape and that they do it in both senses of the term: first because their discourses sound scandalous to democratic parties and secondly because those speeches often reflect their will to exclude themselves from the political game. Indeed, extreme right-wing theorists and politicians frequently refuse to exercise power because they consider that such an activity is almost inevitably tainted with compromise and corruption. So they prefer resorting to verbal – or even physical – violence in order to attract voters eager to protest against the supposed unfairness of the establishment. That is why extreme right-wing factions have to face a difficult situation in which they need to be marginal and scandalous to exist, but in which democratic, governmental parties can easily use their marginal character to turn them into political scarecrows and ensure their own dominance in an even surer way.

Sokolski pokret je predstavljao veoma važan i jedinstven način borbe za ujedinjenje Južnih Slovena, pa je njegova uloga bila od izuzetnog značaja u konstruisanju jugoslovenskog identiteta u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca. Negovanje sporta kao simbola harmonije između tela, duše i duha je promovisalo fizičko vaspitanje kao put ka integralnom jugoslovenstvu. Cilj ovog rada je da se razmotre elementi ideologije i propagande koji su bili prisutni u estetici i vizuelnoj prezentaciji sokolske arhitekture. Kroz analizu sokolske životne filozofije može se zaključiti do koje mere je ona uticala na arhitekturu sokolskih domova. Veza između Sokolskog pokreta i jugoslovenske ideologije je implicirala detaljniji uvid u političke događaje koji su direktno uticali na proces gradnje i stilskog razvoja sokolskih domova. Ekspanzija podizanja sokolskih domova širom Kraljevine Jugoslavije se poklapala sa diktaturom kralja Aleksandra I Karađorđevića, što jasno ukazuje da je postojala snažna veza i podrška između Sokola i monarhije. Politička dimenzija Sokolskog pokreta je bez sumnje komunicirala sa konceptom integralnog jugoslovenstva. Promene koje su se desile 1934. godine, atentat na kralja Aleksandra, kao i određeni problemi sa Rimokatoličkom crkvom, rezultirali su osetnim smanjenjem podizanja sokolskih domova sve do 1941. godine. Kroz analizu političkog uticaja na arhitekturu sokolskih domova, kao i njihove estetike i ideologije, može se izvući zaključak o tadašnjim društvenim prilikama. Odatle sledi da se sokolska arhitektura može interpretirati kao primer političke umetnosti. ; Sokol movement represented a very important and unique way of struggle for unification of Southern Slovenes; therefore its role in the constitution of Yugoslav identity in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians was significant. Nourishing sport as a symbol of harmony between body, soul, and spirit de facto promoted physical training as the road towards true Yugoslavism. The main purpose of this paper is to consider elements of ideology and propaganda which were present in the aesthetics and visual presentation in the Sokol architecture. It can be concluded by analyzing principles of Sokol movement to what extent it influenced architecture of Sokol houses. The connection between Sokol movement and Yugoslav ideology suggests a closer look at the political events which directly influenced the process of building-up and stylistic development of Sokol houses. The building expansion of Sokol houses throughout the Kingdom of Yugoslavia matches the dictatorship of King Alexander Karadjordjević I, which clearly implies there has been a strong connection and support between the Sokols and the crown. The political dimension of Sokol movement has undoubtedly communicated with the concept of true Yugoslavism. Changes which have occurred in 1934, the assassination of King Alexander as well as problems with the Catholic Church considering the amount of influence Sokol movement had on Catholic members. This resulted in a major fall in building program of Sokols up until 1941. Through an analysis of political influence on architecture of Sokol houses, as well as aesthetics and ideology, a conclusion can be drawn about the social system of the time. Therefore, Sokol architecture can be interpreted as an example of political art.