In a temple of Karnak, on the VII pylon, a scene of triumph of Thutmose III has been preserved. Despite apparent canonicity at first glance, it differs significantly from battle compositions of previous eras. Its iconographic analysis allows us to draw important conclusions about changes in Egyptian art during the 18th dynasty. In addition, this monument indirectly points to specific features of the state ideology of Egypt during the New Kingdom era, which are reflected in art.
La recherche canadienne sur le vote des classes a surtout fait ressortir l'importance des forces structurelles qui contribuent à faire naître l'appui au Nouveau Parti démocratique (NPD) en insistant moins sur l'idéologie des classes. Le présent article contient un modèle LISREL faisant état des relations entre les positions des classes, leur idéologic et le vote en faveur du NPD selon la base de données provenant de l'étude des élections nationales du Canada de 1984. Les observations soulignent l'importance que revêtent, en tant que sources des suffrages des classes, trois dimensions de l'idéologie des classes qui repré‐sentent en partie le résultat de la position de ces dernières. L'idéologie égalitaire et l'appui au maintien des syndicate forts ont des effete directs et prononcés sur le vote en faveur du NPD alors que l'identifi‐cation à une classe exerce un effet indirect par le biais de deux autres variables. Même si la position objective des classes agit indépendam‐ment sur les suffrages accordés au NPD, ses répercussions semblent limitées comparativement à celles que produisent les trois variables liées à l'étude. En modélisant les effete de la position et de l'idéologie des classes, les auteurs ont employé trois variables non encore utili‐sées dans les analyses précédentes des suffrages des classes, soit l'appui des père et mère au NPD, la présence d'un syndiqué (autre que le répondant) dans le ménage et l'appartenance à une «classe nouvelle». Chacune de ces variables a un effet majeur sur le soutien donné au NPD. Quant aux répercussions attribuables à la région, elles semblent assez limitées une fois que l'on a tenu compte du vote des père et mère en faveur du NPD et de l'appui accordéà ce dernier à l'occasion des élections de 1980.Canadian research on class voting has primarily emphasized structural forces that produce support for the NDP, with less attention to class ideology. This paper presents a LISREL model of relationships among class position, class ideology, and voting for the NDP, based on data from the Canadian National Election Study of 1984. The findings point to the importance of three dimensions of class ideology, produced in part by class position, as sources of class voting. Egalitarian ideology and support for union strength have strong direct effects on NDP voting, and class identification exerts an indirect effect through the other two variables. Although objective class position has an independent effect on NDP voting, its impact appears to be modest in relation to that of the three attitudinal variables. In modelling the effects of class position and ideology, three variables not used in previous Canadian analyses of class voting have been employed: parental support for the NDP, presence of a union member (other than the respondent) in the household, and membership in a "New Class." Each has a solid effect on NDP support. The effects of region appear as quite modest, after controlling for parental support for the NDP and for NDP support in the 1980 election.
AbstractTally reviews Loren Goldner's Herman Melville: Between Charlemagne and the Antemosaic Cosmic King, which posits that Melville was the American Marx, exposing the crisis of bourgeois ideology in the revolutionary period around 1848. In this, Goldner follows a tradition of Marxian scholarship of Melville, notably including C.L.R. James, Michael Paul Rogin, and Cesare Casarino. Tally concludes that Goldner's argument, while interesting, is limited by its focus on American exceptionalism and by ignoring the postnational force of Melville's novels.
Greek kings' domination in Central Asia and Western Antique India was effective from the IIIth Century BC till the beginning of Christian Era. The Greek kings of Central Asia image appears warlike, because their power was at the beginning and mainly a military one. We may suppose that, according to the example of the other Hellenistic sovereigns, these kings spread their sculptured portraits, organized a royal cult, and sometimes ruled with their son ; a royal itinerant court escorted them. The economic management of Greek Central Asia was so effective that the area prospered in spite of wars : the roads were protected, trade and irrigation developed, their fiscal and administrative system is similar to the Persian or Seleucid efficiency. These kings were remarkable because they adapted to the linguistic and religious environments : they defended the Greek language and culture, for political reasons and to preserve their identity ; the coins they engraved were sometimes bilingual, and we identify on it the image of Gods who are compatible with local faiths or pictorial habits. We may suppose that, circa Christian era, after defeat or disappearance of their kings, Greeks were slowly absorbed into the Asian world. ; Des rois grecs ont régné sur l'Asie centrale et l'ouest de l'Inde antique du IIIème siècle av. J.C. jusqu'au début de l'ère chrétienne. Ils laissent une image belliqueuse, car le fondement de leur pouvoir fut d'abord militaire. Des indices permettent d'envisager qu'à l'instar des autres souverains hellénistiques ils diffusèrent leurs portraits, mirent en place un culte royal, associèrent parfois leur fils au pouvoir, vécurent entourés d'une cour royale itinérante. Leur gestion économique fut suffisamment efficace pour que la région ne souffrît pas des guerres fréquentes ; les voies de communication furent préservées, le commerce et l'irrigation se développèrent, le système fiscal et administratif semble comparable en efficacité à celui des Perses ou des Séleucides. L'originalité de ces souverains réside dans leur adaptation aux milieux linguistiques et religieux : s'ils défendirent la langue et la culture grecque, pour des raisons identitaires et politiques, ils usèrent parfois du bilinguisme dans les monnaies et y firent graver des dieux compatibles avec les croyances ou les habitudes picturales locales. On peut envisager qu'au tournant de l'ère chrétienne les Grecs aient été lentement absorbés dans le monde asiatique.
Greek kings' domination in Central Asia and Western Antique India was effective from the IIIth Century BC till the beginning of Christian Era. The Greek kings of Central Asia image appears warlike, because their power was at the beginning and mainly a military one. We may suppose that, according to the example of the other Hellenistic sovereigns, these kings spread their sculptured portraits, organized a royal cult, and sometimes ruled with their son ; a royal itinerant court escorted them. The economic management of Greek Central Asia was so effective that the area prospered in spite of wars : the roads were protected, trade and irrigation developed, their fiscal and administrative system is similar to the Persian or Seleucid efficiency. These kings were remarkable because they adapted to the linguistic and religious environments : they defended the Greek language and culture, for political reasons and to preserve their identity ; the coins they engraved were sometimes bilingual, and we identify on it the image of Gods who are compatible with local faiths or pictorial habits. We may suppose that, circa Christian era, after defeat or disappearance of their kings, Greeks were slowly absorbed into the Asian world. ; Des rois grecs ont régné sur l'Asie centrale et l'ouest de l'Inde antique du IIIème siècle av. J.C. jusqu'au début de l'ère chrétienne. Ils laissent une image belliqueuse, car le fondement de leur pouvoir fut d'abord militaire. Des indices permettent d'envisager qu'à l'instar des autres souverains hellénistiques ils diffusèrent leurs portraits, mirent en place un culte royal, associèrent parfois leur fils au pouvoir, vécurent entourés d'une cour royale itinérante. Leur gestion économique fut suffisamment efficace pour que la région ne souffrît pas des guerres fréquentes ; les voies de communication furent préservées, le commerce et l'irrigation se développèrent, le système fiscal et administratif semble comparable en efficacité à celui des Perses ou des Séleucides. L'originalité de ces souverains ...
From the beginning of the 1980s, the destructive religious and political ideology of Islamism began to penetrate actively the territory of Russia under external influence. Its adherents expanded and strengthened their influence, using from outside support and actively used extremist and terrorist methods to achieve power under the guise of adherence to the Muslim faith. At the same time, Islamism shows a high degree of adaptation to the counter-measures used against it. In this regard, it seems relevant to pay attention to those areas in which counteraction to Islamism in Russia has areas of improvement, and in what ways the implementation of them is possible.
This paper asks whether and how the concept of propaganda can be understood and enriched for discourse studies (Oddo, 2018). The concept of propaganda has been seminal to media and communication studies and is regaining popularity in an age of social media where notions of 'activism' and 'propaganda' get problematized all over again (Benkler et al. 2018; Herman, 2000; Jowett & O'Donnell, 2015; Pedro - Carañana, 2018). Traditionally, discourse scholars have preferred theories of ideology, hegemony and power over theories of 'propaganda' (Angermuller, Maingueneau, & Wodak, 2014; Wodak, 2013). In this paper I provide some historical, ideological, epistemological and ontological explanations for this situation. If the notion of propaganda is to be of added value to critical discourse studies, it has to be (re)conceptualized and (re)articulated with(in) existing discourse theories. Many discourse scholars have gone through great lengths to problematize intentional modes of communication and actor-centered approaches to meaning. If 'propaganda' is to make sense in CDS, its relation to discourse, reflexivity, ideology and/or hegemony therefore needs to be considered carefully. I will clarify this point by articulating the notion of propaganda with(in) Essex style discourse theory (Glynos and Howarth, 2007; Torfing, 1999). I argue for a notion of propaganda that refers to democratic and anti-democratic forms of discursive practice that aim to introduce, reproduce or change the articulatory practice(s) and discourse(s) of social groups or networks with some degree of reflexivity. I thus explore the challenges that 'propaganda' poses for thinking politics and the political in discourse studies. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
The correlation between ideology and partisanship in the mass public has increased in recent decades amid a climate of persistent and growing elite polarization. Given that core values shape subsequent political predispositions, as well as the demonstrated asymmetry of elite polarization, this article hypothesizes that egalitarianism and moral traditionalism moderate the relationship between ideology and partisanship in that the latter relationship will have increased over time only among individuals who maintain conservative value orientations. An analysis of pooled American National Election Studies surveys from 1988 to 2012 supports this hypothesis. The results enhance scholarly understanding of the role of core values in shaping mass belief systems and testify to the asymmetric nature and mass public reception of elite cues among liberals and conservatives.
The article deals with the analysis of the reasons why ideology is not important part of party activities. Even if the labels with some shades of ideology are being used nevertheless parties do not have clear ideological position and prefer pragmatism. Post-communist politics presents wide range of latent cleavages and creates unique opportunity for development and formation of politics based on of the differences of social and cultural level. Nevertheless in Lithuanian political map we can notice just one type of cleavage, i.e. Communist – Anti-Communist cleavage. In 1990 Lithuania has started its way towards both democracy and market capitalism. The transformation of centrally planned-administrative economic system to market economy fostered social and economical changes in Lithuania. Surprisingly these transformations has no significant impact on formation "Western" Left—Right cleavage with dominant socio-economic content. The non-ideological position of Lithuanian parties manifests the situation as if all Lithuanian population has the same economic preferences and as if Lithuania has no significant socio-economic problems that could be the core issue for confrontation among different Lithuanian parties. The article first evaluates the level of internal democracy of Lithuanian parties and reveals that opportunities of party members to participate in decision making process are not sufficient. Value conflicts among parties highly depend on the political will of party leaders. This article focused on the analysis of 9 interviews with the party leaders or the deputy chairmen from the 9 main Lithuanian parties. The aim of the interviews was to discuss the role of ideology in party politics and activities. The study revealed that the lack of ideology identity among Lithuanian parties cannot be explained by the freshness of Lithuania party system that actually is almost 20 years old, or by political immaturity of Lithuanians. It is a problem of system, as even the highest authorities of the parties demonstrate the lack of ideological thinking in explaining certain political party issues. Nevertheless party authorities know main value 'labels' of their political ideologies, party leaders themselves admitted that ideological declaration is one thing and real political activity is another one. Summarizing, it might be noticed, that ideology is important for party leaders as theoretical construction, but in party decision making or at the highest political level in Seimas and Government the party ideological values are ignored. Interviews with the authorities of main political parties in Lithuania were conducted in 2007. The results of the interviews don't promise the long term political cleavages that could make the political life in Lithuania normal in nearest future. Though the authorities of Lithuanian parties have institutional possibilities to control party organization, however, they are not a power that may put Lithuanian parties in a clear ideological framework and foster coherence between parties and society. The main obstacle for the emergence of political cleavage in Lithuania is not a Lithuanian social mentality that is not ready to think ideologically and vote according to it, but Lithuania political parties unwilling to respond to the different interests of Lithuanian society.
Members of extreme political groups are usually perceived as more homogeneous than moderates. We investigated whether members of the general public who share the same political ideology would exhibit different levels of heterogeneity in terms of human values across 20 European countries and Israel. We directly compared the variability across moderate-, left-, and right-wing groups. Our findings suggest that the values of more extreme (left-wing or right-wing) supporters are usually more heterogeneous than those with more moderate views. We replicated this finding for politics-related variables such as attitudes toward immigrants and trust in (inter)national institutions. We also found that country-level variables (income, religiosity, and parasite stress level) did not moderate the pattern of value variability. Overall, our results suggest that endorsing the same political ideology is not necessarily associated with sharing the same values, especially in the case of common citizens holding extreme political attitudes.
This article situates In the Name of the Father (1993) and Breakfast on Pluto (2005) within the tradition of cinematic imperial critique established by Gillo Pontecorvo's 1966 film The Battle of Algiers . By confronting the viewer with images of innocents in pain, the films demand a reconsideration of the victimization of innocents as an admissible "cost" of ensuring national security. Despite the different historical foci of the films, the subtext of each film centers on the perennial question: what are the political and psychological preconditions for torture? All three directors exploit the medium of film to examine the intimate relationship between imperial ideology and the implementation of torture.
Islamic radical movement has a long-established history in Malaysia. Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and Kumpulan Militan Malaysia (KMM) were the most dangerous groups. Although they had been banned by the government, the similarity of their salafi jihadi ideology with the current movement of Islamic State (Daesh) is seen as a major security challenge to the nationwide including Malaysia. Therefore, the objective of this article is to examine the continuity of ideological similarities between JI, KMM and Daesh. This research is qualitative and it employs historical sociology approach. The main data were generated through library research and document analysis. The article concludes that there are five element of similarities in continuity of the ideology among those movements. Also, there is significant radical evolution of Daesh ideological movement contributing to the extreme violence. This article is hoped to help Malaysian Government in understanding the ideology of radical Islamic movements and formulate pro active mechanism to minimize the threats imposed by Daesh. Keywords: Daesh, ideology, Jemaah Islamiyah, Kumpulan Militan Malaysia, radical IslamCite as: Abu Bakar, S.Z., Muhammed Kifli, A., & Yusoff, K. (2017). Persamaan ideologi radikal Islam di Malaysia dalam kumpulan Jemaah Islamiyah, Kumpulan Militan Malaysia dan Islamic State (Daesh) [The similarity of radical Islamic ideology between the Malaysian groups of Jemaah Islamiyah, Kumpulan Militan Malaysia and Islamic State (Daesh)]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 155-168. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol2iss2pp155-168 AbstrakGerakan radikal Islam telah bertapak lama di Malaysia. Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) dan Kumpulan Militan Malaysia (KMM) adalah dua kumpulan radikal Islam yang sangat bahaya dan berpengaruh suatu ketika dahulu. Walaupun telah diharamkan oleh kerajaan, namun ideologi salafi jihadi yang diperjuangkan mempunyai persamaan dengan gerakan militan Islamic State (Daesh) yang pada hari ini dilihat sebagai cabaran utama bukan sahaja bagi Malaysia malah juga seluruh dunia. Berdasarkan situasi tersebut, artikel ini disediakan dengan objektif untuk meninjau kesinambungan persamaan ideologi antara JI, KMM dan Daesh di Malaysia. Metodologi kajian ini menggunakan kaedah kualitatif berpendekatan sosiologi sejarah dengan dapatan data dibuat menerusi tinjauan kepustakaan dan analisis dokumen. Dapatan kajian merumuskan bahawa terdapat lima elemen persamaan dalam kesinambungan ideologi kumpulan gerakan radikal tersebut. Walaubagaimanapun, pembaharuan yang signifikan telah dilancarkan oleh Daesh sehingga membawa kepada ancaman keselamatan yang lebih ekstrem. Justeru, artikel ini diharap membantu pihak Kerajaan dalam memahami ideologi gerakan radikal Islam seterusnya menggubal mekanisme khusus sebagai langkah pro aktif dalam menangani ancamannya yang semakin membimbangkan dewasa ini.Kata Kunci: Daesh, ideologi, Jemaah Islamiyah, Kumpulan Militan Malaysia, radikal Islam
International audience ; The metaphorical representation of happiness in the women's magazine industry appearsto be of particular interest at the moment. Indeed, different political, social andeconomic actors have made happiness become one of the main objectives of Westernsocieties, both at the individual (self-fulfillment, satisfaction, happiness) and at thecollective (workplace wellness, well-being of society) level. However, beneath theselaudable ideals, and despite their altruistic, apolitical and ideology-free appearance,there lies a discourse that pursues very clear objectives of benefit only to certaininterest groups [Illouz & Cabanas 2018]. The women's press represents a privilegedsource in the understanding of the expectations faced by women [Blandin 2018]and, perhaps in a more general way, by individuals in a particular culture. Finally,the metaphors used enable us to analyze certain thought patterns specific to somediscourses [Charteris-Black 2004]. The aim of this paper is thus to understand howhappiness is represented metaphorically in Cosmopolitan magazine and to determinewhether this representation corresponds to an ideological agenda. A corpus-basedanalysis of the metaphors of happiness used in the Cosmopolitan magazine has beenconducted. The results show that most of these metaphors can be categorized accordingto six conceptual patterns related to the notions of 'strength' and 'limit'. Themetaphors of happiness found in this corpus are shown to be ideologically chargedand strongly related to positive psychology and neoliberal ideology. ; La représentation métaphorique du bonheur dans la presse féminine présente actuellementun intérêt particulier. Le bonheur est devenu pour différents acteurs politiques,sociaux et économiques l'un des principaux objectifs des sociétés occidentales, tantau niveau individuel (épanouissement personnel, satisfaction, bonheur) qu'au niveaucollectif (bien-être au travail, bien-être de la société). Cependant, malgré cesidéaux louables et leur apparence altruiste, ...
