Suchergebnisse

Civil servants play a very important role in the state apparatus. Building a contingent of cadres and civil servants with sufficient capacity and moral qualities is one of the important requirements in building and perfecting the socialist rule of law state of Vietnam today. Inheriting Ho Chi Minh's ideology on the role, position and requirements of the contingent of cadres in the state, our Party identifies cadres as the decisive factor in the success or failure of the revolution, cadre work is the stage "key" of the Party building work and the political system. Building a contingent of cadres, especially strategic cadres at all levels, is the most important task, identified as the most important task of the Party. This must be done regularly, carefully, scientifically and rigorously, and at the same time must be effective. Investing in building staff is an investment for long-term and sustainable development. Therefore, on the issue of cadres and civil servants in the rule of law state, our Party has paid great attention and achieved many results in recent years. This article summarizes Ho Chi Minh's ideology on the role of the contingent of state officials and civil servants and the standards of quality and capacity of this contingent. At the same time, evaluate the achievements made in building the contingent of state civil servants in the current socialist rule of law state of Vietnam under the leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam. This article summarizes Ho Chi Minh's ideology on the role of the contingent of state officials and civil servants and the standards of quality and capacity of this contingent. At the same time, evaluate the achievements made in building the contingent of state civil servants in the current socialist rule of law state of Vietnam under the leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam. This article summarizes Ho Chi Minh's ideology on the role of the contingent of state officials and civil servants and the standards of quality and capacity of this contingent. At the same ...

Purpose
Various studies showed that unethical behaviours committed by consumers occur more frequently than may be expected. People have stolen from a shop at some time in their life and remained silent, people walk out of a grocery store have stolen something from the store and employees have stolen from their workplace. Why seemingly good people do bad things and vice versa? What factors contribute to this discrepancy? Hence, the purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to examine the impact of ethical ideology on self-control and guilt proneness; second, to examine the roles of self-control and guilt proneness in consumer ethical decision making; and finally, to explore the mediating effects of self-control and guilt proneness on the relationship between consumer ideology and ethical decision making.


Design/methodology/approach
The authors collected a non-probability sample using a cross-sectional online survey of adult consumers across Australia wide. The sampling frame was from a pre-recruited online panel company Permissioncorp. Consumers were introduced to the study in relation to their beliefs in general consumer ethics behaviours. The response rate for the survey invite was 17.9 per cent, with a final sample size of 311 consumers out of 3,246 that were invited to participate based on the these screening criteria, i.e. their country of birth (Australia only), gender, age group, and state in which they reside to ensure representation across these groups.


Findings
The results showed that idealism was a positive determinant of guilt proneness and self-control, whereas relativistic individuals were less prone to guilt and less able to control their behaviour. In addition, there was a significant negative correlation between self-control and unethical consumer behaviour. Finally, both self-control and guilt proneness had an indirect mediating effect on the relationship between ethical ideology and consumer behaviour.


Originality/value
This is one of the first studies to explore the interactions between ethical ideology, self-control, guilt proneness, and consumer ethics.

The author analyses how external circumstances affected Marxist historical science, which was definitive in shaping Soviet ideology during the period of new economic policy. Further, the ideas that were drawn from various sources, including both those that Bolshevik scholars got acquainted with in emigration and those translated and published in the USSR during the 1920s, are highlighted. The author focuses on the evolution of the views of M.N. Pokrovsky, the leading Marxist authority on the history of the First World War at the time.Keywords: Soviet ideology, foreign factor, the First World War, Russia, Germany, M. N. Pokrovsky. ; Статья посвящена анализу воздействия внешних факторов, включая внешнеполитический, на историков-марксистов 1920-х гг., принимавших активное участие в формировании советской идеологии. Рассматривается влияние на идеологические постулаты работ различных зарубежных авторов, с которыми большевистские исследователи познакомились во время их пребывания в эмиграции в начале ХХ в., а также публикаций в СССР в 1920-е гг. произведений иностранных исследователей. Главное внимание уделяется складыванию концепции ведущего марксистского историка этого времени М. Н. Покровского по истории Первой мировой войны.

This research is part of our Master's thesis, and it proposes to analyze the statements expressed in the common sense about the language, in order to understand which ideology and the linguistic imaginary that cross these statements. Many studies have already been undertaken in relation to speeches about the language, highlighting those of Mariani (2004), who analyzed the speeches of writers and politicians, grammarians and scholars - people of influence in the society of Brazil colony. Thus, we propose to carry out this analysis to know the imaginary language that circulates in common sense, from comments of Internet users in the official fanpage of the Planalto Palace on Facebook, the first official pronouncement of President Michel Temer abroad. The theoretical perspective adopted is that of the Theory of Enunciation (BENVENISTE, 1989), focused on the presuppositions of Semantics of the Event (GUIMARÃES, 2002), and making use of the analytical movement of the rewriting procedure. We observe an imaginary language perpetuated in common sense based on the idea of a homogeneous, pure and idealized language; as well as being confused with spoken language and written language, having as a criterion for a Portuguese spoken in a "correct" way the approximation and fidelity to grammar. ; Esta pesquisa é parte de nossa dissertação de mestrado, e se propõe a analisar os dizeres enunciados no senso comum sobre a língua, no intuito de compreender qual a ideologia e o imaginário linguístico que atravessam esses enunciados. Muitos estudos já foram empreendidos em relação aos discursos sobre a língua, destacando os de Mariani (2004), que analisou os discursos de literatos e políticos, gramáticos e eruditos - pessoas de influência na sociedade do Brasil colônia. Assim, nos propomos a realizar esta análise para conhecer o imaginário de língua que circula no senso comum, a partir de comentários de internautas na fanpage oficial do Palácio do Planalto no Facebook, no primeiro pronunciamento oficial do presidente Michel Temer no exterior. A perspectiva teórica adotada é a da Teoria da Enunciação (Benveniste, 1989), voltada aos pressupostos da Semântica do Acontecimento (Guimarães, 2002), e fazendo uso do movimento analítico do procedimento de reescrituração. Observamos um imaginário de língua perpetuado no senso comum fundamentado na ideia de uma língua homogênea, pura e idealizada; bem como, confunde-se língua falada e língua escrita, tendo como critério para um português falado de modo "correto" a aproximação e fidelidade à gramatica.

PurposeAcknowledging the importance of work–family practices that extend beyond what is legally mandated and that cover the needs of a diverse workforce, this paper offers a conceptual model that explores the factors that can influence the provision and inclusiveness of work–family policies in organizations.Design/methodology/approachThe conceptual model is based on a thorough literature review of relevant articles in the fields of management and political science.FindingsIn line with the upper echelons perspective, chief executive officers' (CEOs') political ideology is a multidimensional concept, comprising two main dimensions (financial and social) that can influence the provision and inclusiveness of work–family practices. Moreover, the proposed conceptual model considers other important factors, such as the centrality of the CEO's political ideology, as potential moderating factors, as well as the conditional role of institutional pressures. Finally, the proposed model takes into account the important role of line managers/supervisors in the implementation of work–family policies and shows the importance of the provision and inclusiveness of work–family practices for critical organizational outcomes (organizational attraction and turnover).Originality/valueThe proposed conceptual model offers a more in-depth understanding of the factors that influence the provision and inclusiveness of work–family policies.

Autor propituje ulogu ideologije, mita i klase u razumijevanju kompleksnih procesa savremene političke subjektivizacije u BiH. Polazeći od revolucionarnog konteksta s početka devedesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća koji razumijeva kao paralelni proces nacionalne i kapitalističke reaproprijacije, autor na pitanje pod kojim uslovima, diskurzivnim i institucionalnim, određene etničke razlike postaju politički relevantnima, postaju izvorom političke moći i mobilizacije, razvija odgovor u vidu antireprezentacionalističke hipoteze po kojoj su to s jedne strane diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi "nacionalne države" shvaćene kao države homogenog etnonacionalnog domaćina i zanemarive etnonacionalne manjine, a s druge strane njima komplementarni diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi kapitalističkog poretka iz kojega se nacionalni poredak historijski izdiže, a koji podrazumijeva klasnu strukturiranost. Subjekt proizvodnje nacionalno-kapitalističkog poretka je vladajuća klasa, u slučaju BiH klasa etnopolitičkih poduzetnika koja je u posjedu sredstava za proizvodnju društvenog života uopće: i materijalnog i onog simboličkog. ; Author investigates the role of ideology, myth and class in understanding the complex contemporary processes of political subjectivization in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Starting from the revolutionary context from the beginning of the 1990s, which the author understands as a parallel process of national and capitalist re-appropriation, the author poses the question: which are the conditions, discursive and institutional, for specific ethnic differences to become politically relevant, to become the source of political power and mobilization. The answer is explored on the basis of the anti-representationalist hypothesis according to which, on the one hand, these are the discursive and institutional conditions of "nation-state" understood as a state of homogenous ethnonational host and negligible ethnonational minority, and, on the other hand, the discursive and institutional conditions of capitalist order from which nationalist order is historically developed presupposing its class structure. The subject of the production of national-capitalist order is the ruling class; in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the class of ethnopolitical entrepreneurs which is in possession of the means of production of social life in general: both in the material and in the symbolical sense.

The white electorate in the northern US shifted its allegiance away from the Democratic party in the last two decades. An investigation of this shift focuses on the comparative role played by social-group membership & political ideology in shaping partisanship, based on an analysis of National Election Studies data. Trends in black & southern white electorates are also examined. It is found that political ideology played the major role in the partisan transformation among northern whites. Findings indicate that: (1) there is a widespread tightening of the connection between ideology & partisanship across social groups; & (2) conservatives far outnumber liberals. 14 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

It is no mistake that XYZ. In this interview with Zhao Dingqi of World Socialism Studies, Gabriel Rockhill dives deep into the CIA's campaign to propagate thinly veiled imperialist and capitalist ideology through the institutions of the Western left intelligentsia—and how this state of affairs continues among intellectuals to this day.

In a temple of Karnak, on the VII pylon, a scene of triumph of Thutmose III has been preserved. Despite apparent canonicity at first glance, it differs significantly from battle compositions of previous eras. Its iconographic analysis allows us to draw important conclusions about changes in Egyptian art during the 18th dynasty. In addition, this monument indirectly points to specific features of the state ideology of Egypt during the New Kingdom era, which are reflected in art.

La recherche canadienne sur le vote des classes a surtout fait ressortir l'importance des forces structurelles qui contribuent à faire naître l'appui au Nouveau Parti démocratique (NPD) en insistant moins sur l'idéologie des classes. Le présent article contient un modèle LISREL faisant état des relations entre les positions des classes, leur idéologic et le vote en faveur du NPD selon la base de données provenant de l'étude des élections nationales du Canada de 1984. Les observations soulignent l'importance que revêtent, en tant que sources des suffrages des classes, trois dimensions de l'idéologie des classes qui repré‐sentent en partie le résultat de la position de ces dernières. L'idéologie égalitaire et l'appui au maintien des syndicate forts ont des effete directs et prononcés sur le vote en faveur du NPD alors que l'identifi‐cation à une classe exerce un effet indirect par le biais de deux autres variables. Même si la position objective des classes agit indépendam‐ment sur les suffrages accordés au NPD, ses répercussions semblent limitées comparativement à celles que produisent les trois variables liées à l'étude. En modélisant les effete de la position et de l'idéologie des classes, les auteurs ont employé trois variables non encore utili‐sées dans les analyses précédentes des suffrages des classes, soit l'appui des père et mère au NPD, la présence d'un syndiqué (autre que le répondant) dans le ménage et l'appartenance à une «classe nouvelle». Chacune de ces variables a un effet majeur sur le soutien donné au NPD. Quant aux répercussions attribuables à la région, elles semblent assez limitées une fois que l'on a tenu compte du vote des père et mère en faveur du NPD et de l'appui accordéà ce dernier à l'occasion des élections de 1980.Canadian research on class voting has primarily emphasized structural forces that produce support for the NDP, with less attention to class ideology. This paper presents a LISREL model of relationships among class position, class ideology, and voting for the NDP, based on data from the Canadian National Election Study of 1984. The findings point to the importance of three dimensions of class ideology, produced in part by class position, as sources of class voting. Egalitarian ideology and support for union strength have strong direct effects on NDP voting, and class identification exerts an indirect effect through the other two variables. Although objective class position has an independent effect on NDP voting, its impact appears to be modest in relation to that of the three attitudinal variables. In modelling the effects of class position and ideology, three variables not used in previous Canadian analyses of class voting have been employed: parental support for the NDP, presence of a union member (other than the respondent) in the household, and membership in a "New Class." Each has a solid effect on NDP support. The effects of region appear as quite modest, after controlling for parental support for the NDP and for NDP support in the 1980 election.

AbstractTally reviews Loren Goldner's Herman Melville: Between Charlemagne and the Antemosaic Cosmic King, which posits that Melville was the American Marx, exposing the crisis of bourgeois ideology in the revolutionary period around 1848. In this, Goldner follows a tradition of Marxian scholarship of Melville, notably including C.L.R. James, Michael Paul Rogin, and Cesare Casarino. Tally concludes that Goldner's argument, while interesting, is limited by its focus on American exceptionalism and by ignoring the postnational force of Melville's novels.

Greek kings' domination in Central Asia and Western Antique India was effective from the IIIth Century BC till the beginning of Christian Era. The Greek kings of Central Asia image appears warlike, because their power was at the beginning and mainly a military one. We may suppose that, according to the example of the other Hellenistic sovereigns, these kings spread their sculptured portraits, organized a royal cult, and sometimes ruled with their son ; a royal itinerant court escorted them. The economic management of Greek Central Asia was so effective that the area prospered in spite of wars : the roads were protected, trade and irrigation developed, their fiscal and administrative system is similar to the Persian or Seleucid efficiency. These kings were remarkable because they adapted to the linguistic and religious environments : they defended the Greek language and culture, for political reasons and to preserve their identity ; the coins they engraved were sometimes bilingual, and we identify on it the image of Gods who are compatible with local faiths or pictorial habits. We may suppose that, circa Christian era, after defeat or disappearance of their kings, Greeks were slowly absorbed into the Asian world. ; Des rois grecs ont régné sur l'Asie centrale et l'ouest de l'Inde antique du IIIème siècle av. J.C. jusqu'au début de l'ère chrétienne. Ils laissent une image belliqueuse, car le fondement de leur pouvoir fut d'abord militaire. Des indices permettent d'envisager qu'à l'instar des autres souverains hellénistiques ils diffusèrent leurs portraits, mirent en place un culte royal, associèrent parfois leur fils au pouvoir, vécurent entourés d'une cour royale itinérante. Leur gestion économique fut suffisamment efficace pour que la région ne souffrît pas des guerres fréquentes ; les voies de communication furent préservées, le commerce et l'irrigation se développèrent, le système fiscal et administratif semble comparable en efficacité à celui des Perses ou des Séleucides. L'originalité de ces souverains réside dans leur adaptation aux milieux linguistiques et religieux : s'ils défendirent la langue et la culture grecque, pour des raisons identitaires et politiques, ils usèrent parfois du bilinguisme dans les monnaies et y firent graver des dieux compatibles avec les croyances ou les habitudes picturales locales. On peut envisager qu'au tournant de l'ère chrétienne les Grecs aient été lentement absorbés dans le monde asiatique.

Greek kings' domination in Central Asia and Western Antique India was effective from the IIIth Century BC till the beginning of Christian Era. The Greek kings of Central Asia image appears warlike, because their power was at the beginning and mainly a military one. We may suppose that, according to the example of the other Hellenistic sovereigns, these kings spread their sculptured portraits, organized a royal cult, and sometimes ruled with their son ; a royal itinerant court escorted them. The economic management of Greek Central Asia was so effective that the area prospered in spite of wars : the roads were protected, trade and irrigation developed, their fiscal and administrative system is similar to the Persian or Seleucid efficiency. These kings were remarkable because they adapted to the linguistic and religious environments : they defended the Greek language and culture, for political reasons and to preserve their identity ; the coins they engraved were sometimes bilingual, and we identify on it the image of Gods who are compatible with local faiths or pictorial habits. We may suppose that, circa Christian era, after defeat or disappearance of their kings, Greeks were slowly absorbed into the Asian world. ; Des rois grecs ont régné sur l'Asie centrale et l'ouest de l'Inde antique du IIIème siècle av. J.C. jusqu'au début de l'ère chrétienne. Ils laissent une image belliqueuse, car le fondement de leur pouvoir fut d'abord militaire. Des indices permettent d'envisager qu'à l'instar des autres souverains hellénistiques ils diffusèrent leurs portraits, mirent en place un culte royal, associèrent parfois leur fils au pouvoir, vécurent entourés d'une cour royale itinérante. Leur gestion économique fut suffisamment efficace pour que la région ne souffrît pas des guerres fréquentes ; les voies de communication furent préservées, le commerce et l'irrigation se développèrent, le système fiscal et administratif semble comparable en efficacité à celui des Perses ou des Séleucides. L'originalité de ces souverains ...

From the beginning of the 1980s, the destructive religious and political ideology of Islamism began to penetrate actively the territory of Russia under external influence. Its adherents expanded and strengthened their influence, using from outside support and actively used extremist and terrorist methods to achieve power under the guise of adherence to the Muslim faith. At the same time, Islamism shows a high degree of adaptation to the counter-measures used against it. In this regard, it seems relevant to pay attention to those areas in which counteraction to Islamism in Russia has areas of improvement, and in what ways the implementation of them is possible.