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European Union and Indian Union signed the cooperation agreement in 1994 and a strategic partnership 10 years later. Europe was feeling safe and secure, which was well-described in 2003 in the European Security Strategy, so the approach to the relations with India stressed their economic aspects. In 2007, both sides have started negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement. They still have not concluded but in the meantime the world has changed dramatically. In the current international "disorder" both India and Europe are looking for new partners and vectors of influence, defending multilateralism and democratic values. The paper analyses 5 factors which severely influence these relations. They can bring both sides closer and make the strategic partnership stronger: Rise of China as a global power; Increase of American-Chinese competition and rivalry; Russia's coming back to the international game of power; Rise of India as a regional power and global player, the world largest democracy and a counterbalance to China; Brexit and internal dynamics in the EU. The text is based, among others, on research and discussions taken under umbrella of the India-EU Think Tank Twinning Initiative - the project implemented by 10 best European and Indian think tanks.

On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union. ; On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union.

India is a pluralistic, multilingual and multi-ethnic country located in Southeast Asia. It is the 2nd largest populated country which has the 7th position in the geographical area. Since 1990 India has emerged as one of the wealthiest economies in the developing world. Recently it is the second fastest growing major economy in the world. Despite the fact that economical development in India has been accompanied by increases in life expectancy, literacy rates and food security, India's performance in the area of health care has been still far from satisfactory. The system of financing health care as a one of the most privatized in the world faces especially many problems. This paper would therefore attempt to describe and assess the system of financing health care in India. In order to outline to the readers the overall country context the first section will provide a brief description of the demographic, economic and health profile of the Indian population. The second and third sections will present the main methods of funding health care in India as well as and the budget of health care system. The concluding section would attempt to assess the financing system in India and offer a way forward for the better achievement of health care system goals.

Artykuł dotyczy rozwiązań prawnych w zakresie zapewniania bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego w Indiach, Francji i Portugalii. Państwa te przyjmowały, w różnym okresie i z różnych powodów, ustawy o bezpieczeństwie wewnętrznym. Zwrócono uwagę na czynniki, które wpłynęły na ostateczny kształt uregulowań prawnych w danym państwie. Założono, że punktem wyjścia do budowania efektywnego systemu bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego jest zdefiniowanie bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego, a definicja taka może znaleźć się w ustawie o bezpieczeństwie wewnętrznym. Pytania badawcze dotyczą tego w jaki sposób pojmuje się bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne na gruncie ustawodawstwa w tym zakresie w Indiach, Portugalii oraz we Francji. Artykuł kończy zestawienie wyciągniętych wniosków: po pierwsze, rozwiązania na gruncie prawnym w zakresie ochrony bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego, przyjmowane przez różne państwa sąpokłosiem szeregu czynników, występujących w tych państwach. Po drugie, w ustawach o bezpieczeństwie wewnętrznym zazwyczaj zdefiniowano termin "bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne" (w przypadkach Portugalii i Francji). Po trzecie, w omawianych państwach bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne rozumie się zazwyczaj raczej wąsko tj. utożsamia się je z zakresem pojęciowym bezpieczeństwa publicznego i porządku publicznego (w przypadkach Indii i Francji). ; The article concerns Internal Security Acts in India, Portugal and France. These states had adopted such kind of laws due to various reasons and motives. In the paper a set of factors is identified which have influenced internal security rules in the above-mentioned states. The key assumption is that the crucial issue is the definition of internal security which is necessary if a state would like to build an internal security system. The definition might be included in an In¬ternal Security Act. The basic question is how internal security is understood in India, Portugal and France. The article concludes with final conclusions. First, the Internal Security Acts adopted by various states are influenced by a set of factors occurring in these states. Secondly, usually the concept of internal security has been defined by an Internal Security Act (Portugal and France cases). Last but not least, the internal security is understood in a narrow way i.e. it is restricted to the issues of public order and public security (India and France cases).

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache

The article concerns Internal Security Acts in India, Portugal and France. These states had adopted such kind of laws due to various reasons and motives. In the paper a set of factors is identified which have influenced internal security rules in the above-mentioned states. The key assumption is that the crucial issue is the definition of internal security which is necessary if a state would like to build an internal security system. The definition might be included in an Internal Security Act. The basic question is how internal security is understood in India, Portugal and France. The article concludes with final conclusions. First, the Internal Security Acts adopted by various states are influenced by a set of factors occurring in these states. Secondly, usually the concept of internal security has been defined by an Internal Security Act (Portugal and France cases). Last but not least, the internal security is understood in a narrow way i.e. it is restricted to the issues of public order and public security (India and France cases).

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

The tendency to equate economic growth with industrialization has in the recent past started a violent and bloody movement in the Indian state of West Bengal. The movement that started against forced acquisition of agricultural land for industrialization in Singur gradually spread to other parts of the state of West Bengal including Nandigram. This movement acquired explosive proportions with the intellectuals, civil society and anti-left political parties throwing in their weight behind the displaced peasants who lost their land. Ultimately it became an albatross around the neck of the Left leadership and sunk the political fortunes of the thirty-four year old Left Front government in 2011 state assembly elections. The Singur and Nandigram tragedy are only one among the many agitations that have exploded in various parts of India in recent past. These protest movements have kicked off the development versus displacement debate in India. The killing of protesting peasants in Singur and Nandigram by the trigger happy police not only exposes the political myopia and inhuman indifference of the so-called pro-poor Left Front Government of West Bengal. But it also goes on to show that the political process in India is increasingly getting hijacked by the logic of the market which sees displacement only as an appendix to development. What we need today is to reinvent the principles laid down by Gandhi to usher in a just and equitable economic order. The Gandhian model of economic development is based on the simple yet profound principles of altruism and egalitarianism. This article would focus on the reasons behind the inception of a violent movement in Singur and Nandigram, the fundamental flaws in the development model of the erstwhile Left Front Government of West Bengal, and end by providing a Gandhian solution to the development versus displacement dilemma in the state of West Bengal in India.

The tendency to equate economic growth with industrialization has in the recent past started a violent and bloody movement in the Indian state of West Bengal. The movement that started against forced acquisition of agricultural land for industrialization in Singur gradually spread to other parts of the state of West Bengal including Nandigram. This movement acquired explosive proportions with the intellectuals, civil society and anti-left political parties throwing in their weight behind the displaced peasants who lost their land. Ultimately it became an albatross around the neck of the Left leadership and sunk the political fortunes of the thirty-four year old Left Front government in 2011 state assembly elections. The Singur and Nandigram tragedy are only one among the many agitations that have exploded in various parts of India in recent past. These protest movements have kicked off the development versus displacement debate in India. The killing of protesting peasants in Singur and Nandigram by the trigger happy police not only exposes the political myopia and inhuman indifference of the so-called pro-poor Left Front Government of West Bengal. But it also goes on to show that the political process in India is increasingly getting hijacked by the logic of the market which sees displacement only as an appendix to development. What we need today is to reinvent the principles laid down by Gandhi to usher in a just and equitable economic order. The Gandhian model of economic development is based on the simple yet profound principles of altruism and egalitarianism. This article would focus on the reasons behind the inception of a violent movement in Singur and Nandigram, the fundamental flaws in the development model of the erstwhile Left Front Government of West Bengal, and end by providing a Gandhian solution to the development versus displacement dilemma in the state of West Bengal in India.