AbstractDespite long-standing academic interest in Indigenous peoples and the Canadian state, there has been little study of Indigenous elected officials as representational actors. We ask: What are the distinctively Indigenous forms of representation practised by Indigenous elected officials in Canada? And how does clarifying the role of Indigenous elected officials as representatives both contribute to and enhance our overall understanding of Indigenous politics, governance and sovereignty? We draw on the existing literatures on substantive representation as well as original interviews conducted with current and former Indigenous elected officials to develop an original conceptualization of Indigenous representation. These actors differ in their perceptions of themselves and their roles as representatives, the representational behaviours they engage in and the outcomes they seek. Our conceptualization of Indigenous representation engages with four themes: Indigenous perspective, Indigenous advocacy, balance with other imperatives including constituency representation and party discipline, and Indigenous nationhood.
The apodictic premise that all fundamental rights need means and procedures that ensure the full and timely exercise, incites the analysis of the state regulation of the guarantee of the citizen's electoral political rights in those federative entities of the national territory that concentrate the population indigenous. The objective of the present work is to alert which states contemplate some means or procedure that provides the effective exercise of the right, and that falling into omission results in a violation of this constitutional prerogative. At the same time, show the dimensions of the practice of ethnic political law in Mexico, and thus observe the link of each one of them with the principle of self-determination, which has recently been elevated to the constitutional hierarchy. Also present how the Federation's Judiciary Electoral Court was created as an organ that guarantees this type of right. The method that was used to carry out the present text was the deductive method, the same that was applied in the analysis of the respective bibliography. On the other hand, the result that came with the present investigation is that some of the federative entities are violating the exercise of this ethnic political right by failing to establish the guarantee in the state legislation. Keywords: Political-electoral law; indigenous; internal and external dimension; constitutional guarantee; principle of self-determination. ; La apodíctica premisa de que todos los derechos fundamentales necesitan de los medios o procedimientos que asegurenel ejercicio pleno y oportuno, viene a incitar el análisis de la regulación estatal de la garantía de los derechos político-electorales del ciudadano, en aquellas entidades federativas del territorio nacional que concentran población indígena. El objetivo del presente trabajo es advertir cuáles estados contemplan algún medio o procedimiento que prevea el efectivo ejercicio del derecho, y cuáles caen en la omisión que trae aparejada una violación de esta prerrogativa constitucional. Al mismo tiempo, mostrar las dimensiones de la práctica de este derecho étnico político en México, y así observar la vinculación de una de ellas, con el principio de autodeterminación, el que recientemente se ha elevado a rango constitucional. También presentar cómo se ha erigido el Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación como órgano garante de este tipo de derechos. El método que se utilizó para llevar a cabo el presente texto fue el método deductivo, mismo que se aplicó en el análisis de la bibliografía respectiva. Por otro lado, el resultado al que se arribó con la presente investigación consiste en que las algunas de las entidades federativas están violentando el ejercicio de este derecho étnico político, al no establecer la garantía en la normativa estatal. Palabras-clave: Derecho político-electoral, indígenas, dimensión interna y externa, garantía constitucional, principio de autodeterminación. ; La prémisse apodictique selon laquelle tous les droits fondamentaux ont besoin de moyens et de procédures qui garantissent l'exercice complet et opportun, incite à analyser la réglementation étatique de la garantie des droits politiques électoraux des citoyens dans les entités fédératives du territoire national qui concentrent la population autochtone. L'objectif du présent travail est d'alerter quels États envisagent un moyen ou une procédure permettant l'exercice effectif du droit, et que tomber dans l'omission entraîne une violation de cette prérogative constitutionnelle. En même temps, montrer les dimensions de la pratique du droit politique ethnique au Mexique, et ainsi observer le lien de chacun d'eux avec le principe d'autodétermination, récemment élevé à la hiérarchie constitutionnelle. Présenter également comment le Tribunal électoral du pouvoir judiciaire de la Fédération a été créé en tant qu'organe garantissant ce type de droit. La méthode qui a été utilisée pour réaliser le présent texte était la méthode déductive, la même qui a été appliquée dans l'analyse de la bibliographie respective. D'autre part, le résultat de la présente enquête est que certaines des entités fédératives violent l'exercice de ce droit politique ethnique en omettant d'établir la garantie dans la législation de l'État. Mots-clés: loi politico-électorale; Indigènes; dimension interne et externe; garantie constitutionnelle; principe d'autodétermination. ; La premessa apodittica che tutti i diritti fondamentali necessitano di mezzi e procedure che assicurino il pieno e tempestivo esercizio, sollecita l'analisi della regolamentazione statale della garanzia dei diritti politici elettorali del cittadino in quelle entità federative del territorio nazionale che concentrano la popolazione indigena. L'obiettivo del presente lavoro è di segnalare quali Stati contemplano mezzi o procedure che assicurino l'effettivo esercizio del diritto, e che cadere nell'omissione comporti una violazione di questa prerogativa costituzionale. Allo stesso tempo, mostra le dimensioni della pratica del diritto politico etnico in Messico, e osserva così il legame di ciascuna di esse con il principio di autodeterminazione, che è stato recentemente elevato alla gerarchia costituzionale. Anche per presentare come è stata creata la Corte Elettorale del Potere Giudiziario della Federazione come organo che garantisce questo tipo di diritto. Il metodo che è stato utilizzato per eseguire il presente testo è stato il metodo deduttivo, lo stesso che è stato applicato nell'analisi della rispettiva bibliografia. D'altra parte, il risultato che è venuto con la presente inchiesta è che alcune delle entità federative stanno violando l'esercizio di questo diritto politico etnico non riuscendo a stabilire la garanzia nella legislazione statale. ; A apodíctica premissa de que todos os direitos fundamentais necessitam de meios e procedimentos que assegurem o exercício pleno e oportuno, vem a incitar a análise da regulação estatal da garantia dos direitos políticos eleitorais do cidadão naquelas entidades federativas do território nacional que concentram a população indígena. O objetivo do presente trabalho é alertar quais estados contemplam algum meio ou procedimento que fornece o efetivo exercício do direito, e que cair na omissão traz como resultado uma violação desta prerrogativa constitucional. Ao mesmo tempo, mostrar as dimensões da prática do direito étnico político no México, e assim observar a vinculação de cada um deles com o princípio da autodeterminação, que recentemente foi elevado à hierarquia constitucional. Também apresentar como foi erguido o Tribunal Eleitoral do Poder Judiciário da Federação como órgão que garante este tipo de direto. O método que se utilizou para levar a cabo o presente texto foi o método dedutivo, o mesmo que se aplicou na análise da respectiva bibliográfica. Por outro lado, o resultado que se chegou com a presente investigação é que algumas das entidades federativas estão violando o exercício deste direito étnico político ao não estabelecer a garantia na legislação estatal. Palavras-chave: Direito político-eleitoral; indígenas; dimensão interna e externa; garantia constitucional; princípio da autodeterminação.
Human rights must be reinforced in the face of the current dynamics of ecological destruction, expropriation of communities, and privatization of nature in the demarcation of lands and other natural resources - the rights and aspirations of individuals and communities will come to the fore. The Escazú agreement is the only binding agreement emanating from the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio + 20), the first regional environmental agreement in Latin America and the Caribbean and the first in the world to contain specific provisions on defenders of human rights in environmental matters, the Escazú Agreement will enter into force on April 22, 2021. The Fund for the Development of Indigenous Peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean, through its Program for Economic Development with Identity, supports the implementation of processes and initiatives to promote development with identity aimed at Good Living - Living Well of Indigenous Peoples, in coherence with the recognition, protection and promotion of the exercise of economic, cultural, social, political and environmental rights of indigenous peoples, communities and organizations ; Los derechos humanos deben de ser reforzados ante las actuales dinámicas de destrucción ecológica, expropiación de las comunidades, y privatización de la naturaleza en la demarcación de tierras y otros recursos naturales - los derechos y aspiraciones de las personas y comunidades pasarán a un primer plano. El acuerdo de Escazú, es el único acuerdo vinculante emanado de la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre Desarrollo Sostenible (Río+20), el primer acuerdo regional ambiental de América Latina y el Caribe y el primero en el mundo en contener disposiciones específicas sobre defensores de derechos humanos en asuntos ambientales, el Acuerdo de Escazú entrará en vigor el 22 de abril de 2021. El Fondo para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas de América Latina y El Caribe , a través de su Programa de Desarrollo Económico con Identidad apoya la implementación de procesos e iniciativas de promoción del desarrollo con identidad direccionado al Buen Vivir - Vivir Bien de los Pueblos Indígenas, en coherencia con el reconocimiento, protección y promoción del ejercicio de los derechos económicos, culturales, sociales, políticos y ambientales de los pueblos, comunidades y organizaciones indígenas. ; Os direitos humanos devem ser reforçados face à actual dinâmica de destruição ecológica, expropriação de comunidades, e privatização da natureza na demarcação de terras e outros recursos naturais - os direitos e aspirações das pessoas e comunidades virão ao de cima. O Acordo de Escazu, o único acordo vinculativo a emanar da Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre Desenvolvimento Sustentável (Rio+20), o primeiro acordo ambiental regional na América Latina e Caraíbas e o primeiro no mundo a conter disposições específicas sobre os defensores dos direitos humanos em matéria ambiental, o Acordo de Escazu entrará em vigor a 22 de Abril de 2021. O Fundo para o Desenvolvimento dos Povos Indígenas da América Latina e das Caraíbas, através do seu Programa de Desenvolvimento Económico com Identidade, apoia a implementação de processos e iniciativas para promover o desenvolvimento com identidade visando o Bom Viver - Viver Bem dos Povos Indígenas, consistente com o reconhecimento, protecção e promoção do exercício dos direitos económicos, culturais, sociais, políticos e ambientais dos povos, comunidades e organizações indígenas
This article studies the fiscal policies applied to the indigenous population of Chiapas between 1812 and 1815. I based the study on the idea that the abdication of Fernando VII, the reforms promoted by the Spanish Cortes, and the financial problems of Guatemala´s treasury led to changes in the fiscal policies to which the indigenous peoples were subject. The article discusses how the political and social instability that the kingdom of Guatemala experienced during those years limited the scope of these measures in order not to ignite popular discontent and facilitate the formation of insurgent movements. ; En este artículo estudio las políticas fiscales aplicadas sobre la población india de Chiapas entre 1812 y 1815. Parto de la idea de que la crisis que enfrentaba la monarquía hispánica tras la abdicación de Fernando VII, la promulgación de los decretos y la Constitución de Cádiz y los problemas financieros del erario guatemalteco propiciaron cambios en las distintas fiscalidades a las que estaban sujetos los indios. Muestro cómo la inestabilidad política y social que padecía el reino de Guatemala en aquellos años limitó el alcance de estas medidas, bien porque algunas fueron canceladas, bien porque otras se aplicaron tibiamente con el fin de no encender el descontento popular.
Based on over five years of ethnographic research [carried out] in the southwest Yukon, Sovereignty's Entailments is a close ethnographic analysis of everyday practices of state formation in a society whose members do not take for granted the cultural entailments of sovereignty
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This article presents a comparative analysis of the development of the citizenship and theright to vote concepts during the XIX century, in Andean countries' constitutions, specifically in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. In a particular way, the question about the inclusion of the indigenous people in Peru and Bolivia was medullary in the constituent discussions, and was resolved in many ways in both countries: in Bolivia, the debate fluctuated around many solutions until the imposition of the decree for the restriction of the right to vote just for literate people on the decade of 1840 (excluding the big indigenous majority), while in Peru, that restriction would not have been implemented until 1896.Debate processes and redefinitions have not existes in Ecuador: since the first constitution, it was established the requirement of knowing read and write to exercise citizenship. The differences between Ecuador and the other two cases is related with socioeconomic and political processes, specifically the regional conflicts that difficult the consolidation of a national unity, and the relation between indigenous and plantations since the beginning of the XIX century in Ecuador. More precisely, this article tries to situate the constitutional and legislative solutions in more wide political debates, as well as the social and economic changes that they have been generating. ; Este artículo presenta un análisis comparado del desarrollo del concepto de ciudadanía y derecho al sufragio durante el siglo XIX, en las constituciones de los países de la región andina, concretamente, en Bolivia, Ecuador y Perú. De modo particular en Bolivia y Perú, la pregunta sobre la inclusión de los indígenas fue medular en los debates constituyentes, resolviéndose de diversa manera en ambos países: en Bolivia fluctuó en diversas soluciones, hasta decretarse la re- stricción del sufragio a los letrados en la década de 1840 (por tanto, a la gran mayoría indígena), mientras que en Perú ello no se daría sino hasta 1896.En Ecuador, no hubo un proceso de debates y redefiniciones: desde la primera Constitución se estableció el requisito de saber leer y escribir para ejercer la ciudadanía. Las diferencias con los otros dos casos tienen que ver con procesos de carácter socioeconómico y político, específicamente, los conflictos regionales que dificultaron la consolidación de la propia unidad nacional, y la relación entre indígenas y hacienda desde los inicios del siglo XIX en Ecuador. Precisamente, en este trabajo, buscamos situar las soluciones constitucionales y legislativas en los debates políticos más amplios, así como con los cambios sociales y económicos que se iban generando.
Indigenous peoples in the United States were not granted the full scope of their rights as citizens under the Constitution until the enactment of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924. Before that—and after—several state and federal campaigns worked to stifle the civil rights of Indigenous peoples. Many of those unjust and unconstitutional policies were upheld by the Supreme Court. In the current era, the anti-pipeline protests on the edge of the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in North Dakota sparked a new recognition of Indigenous resistance under the First Amendment—and vicious state and federal backlash against Indigenous free speech via the protest-stifling "civil infrastructure" laws being passed across the country. This paper examines the context of these laws and their constitutionality under the First Amendment. The pro-pipeline civil infrastructure laws unconstitutionally chill Indigenous free speech and were developed by state and federal governments as retaliation against Indigenous resistance and leadership in the anti-capitalist environmental justice movement. Alternatively, even if these laws were found to be constitutional on their face, they unconstitutionally target Indigenous communities, communities which are already often the targets of imperialistic environmental racism.
16 pages ; How health is defined and assessed is a priority concern for Indigenous peoples due to considerable health risks faced from environmental impacts to homelands, and because what is "at risk" is often determined without their input or approval. Many health assessments by government agencies, industry, and researchers from outside the communities fail to include Indigenous definitions of health and omit basic methodological guidance on how to evaluate Indigenous health, thus compromising the quality and consistency of results. Native Coast Salish communities (Washington State, USA) developed and pilot-tested a set of Indigenous Health Indicators (IHI) that reflect non-physiological aspects of health (community connection, natural resources security, cultural use, education, self-determination, resilience) on a community scale, using constructed measures that allow for concerns and priorities to be clearly articulated without releasing proprietary knowledge. Based on initial results from pilot-tests of the IHI with the Swinomish Indian Tribal Community (Washington State, USA), we argue that incorporation of IHIs into health assessments will provide a more comprehensive understanding of Indigenous health concerns, and assist Indigenous peoples to control their own health evaluations.
