The green revolution and its related agricultural politics entailed a food production increasing worldwide. Nevertheless, those politics enhanced the biological resources extinction and the depletion of natural areas, creating a deep devastation in the local natural habitats, such as in the Iraqi Mesopotamian area; the indigenous population, the marsh Arabs, violently suffered the effects of these uncontrolled agricultural politics. The environmental depletion, related to ethnic strife motivations generated a progressive exodus from this area: 100.000 of environmental refugees.
This essay investigates the indigenous identity experience in contemporary Canada in the light of the renewed tourist interest that, in recent years, has led many indigenous people to join the promotion circuit of what, in the Western imagination, remains the land of great lakes, immense plains and "postcard" nature. Founded in 2015, the Indigenous Tourism Association of Canada aims to improve the socio-economic condition of indigenous peoples, and to promote local representation and dialogue between the communities, and the provincial and federal governments. Regaining possession of a tourism industry defined as "authentically indigenous" also means transforming culture, identity and self-representation into an agency supporting the socio-economic rebirth of poor areas and communities, kept for a long time at the margins of the national industrial and cultural system created, in its backbone, by colonial governments. For the purposes of these initial reflections, it becomes conceptually stimulating to re-read the interest in indigenous tourism also in the light of a complex idea of "migration". In fact, it becomes enlightening to rethink the idea of "migration" considering the history of indigenous peoples to grasp a more complex idea of "cultural mobility". Today, this idea is at the center of new identity processes that affect the Canadian nation as a whole and, even more so, the communities of the origins. New artistic and literary Indigenous productions of the twenty-first century are, in fact, turning cultural resilience into new imaginative visions for a different and more inclusive future. ; Questo saggio indaga l'esperienza identitaria indigena nel Canada contemporaneo alla luce del rinnovato interesse turistico che, negli ultimi anni, ha portato molti indigeni ad inserirsi nel circuito di promozione di quella che, nell'immaginario occidentale, resta la terra dei grandi laghi, delle immense pianure e della natura "da cartolina". Fondata nel 2015, la Indigenous Tourism Association of Canada vuole migliorare la condizione socioeconomica delle popolazioni indigene, fare rete per promuovere la rappresentatività locale e il dialogo tra le diverse comunità, i governi provinciali e quello federale. Riappropriarsi di una industria del turismo definita come "autenticamente indigena" vuol anche dire trasformare l'autorappresentazione identitaria in una agenzia utile alla rinascita socioeconomica di aree e comunità povere, tenute per lungo tempo ai margini del sistema industriale e culturale creato, nella sua ossatura, dai governi coloniali. Ai fini di queste prime riflessioni, diventa concettualmente stimolante rileggere l'interesse per il turismo indigeno anche alla luce di una idea complessa di "migrazione", ovvero di un ripensamento dell'idea di "migrazione" che tenga conto della Storia delle popolazioni indigene per cogliere un'idea complessa di "mobilità culturale"; un'idea che è oggi al centro di percorsi di riappropriazioni identitarie postcoloniali che toccano la nazione canadese nel suo complesso e, in modo particolare, le comunità delle origini. Le nuove produzioni artistiche e letterarie indigene del ventunesimo secolo traducono, infatti, la resilienza culturale in discorsi tesi a immaginare un futuro diverso e inclusivo.
This article ethnographically explores the form and the content of juridical practices of Guarani people living in the Capitanías of Charagua Norte and Alto Isoso, Bolivia. Starting from the Bolivian legal pluralism main field and through the analysis of some juridical case study, I answer some questions about how the Guarani people act and interpret the legal field in a plural legal context. I argue that such guarani people practice is both rooted in an interlegal field of sense and meaning and product of a legal and political strategy useful to hide and protect the indigenous juridical habitus.
Assuming that space is a determining factor for the production or development of law, we propose that the regulations on Indian encomiendas in colonial America were always local and not general. They did not seek to replicate the orders contained in the royal cédulas, but rather to translate their general principles into the local order. The regulations on encomienda were the result of negotiation between the interests of the king, the interests of the neighborhood, the capacity for resistance or adaptation of the indigenous communities, as well as the knowledge of space. In this essay we will analyze the case of the Government of Tucumán, located in the southern Andes, in the 16th and early 17th centuries. ; Assuming that space is a determining factor for the production or development of law, we propose that the regulations on Indian encomiendas in colonial America were always local and not general. They did not seek to replicate the orders contained in the royal cédulas, but rather to translate their general principles into the local order. The regulations on encomienda were the result of negotiation between the interests of the king, the interests of the neighborhood, the capacity for resistance or adaptation of the indigenous communities, as well as the knowledge of space. In this essay we will analyze the case of the Government of Tucumán, located in the southern Andes, in the 16th and early 17th centuries. ; Supponendo che lo spazio sia un fattore determinante per la produzione o lo sviluppo del diritto, proponiamo che i regolamenti sulle encomiendas indiane nell'America coloniale fossero sempre locali e non generali. Non cercavano di replicare gli ordini contenuti nelle cédulas reales, ma piuttosto di tradurre i loro principi generali nell'ordine locale. I regolamenti sull'encomiendas erano il risultato della negoziazione tra gli interessi del re, gli interessi degli encomenderos vecinos delle città americane, la capacità di resistenza o di adattamento delle comunità indigene e la conoscenza dello spazio. In questo saggio analizzeremo il caso del governo di Tucumán, situato nelle Ande meridionali, nel Cinquecento e all'inizio del Seicento.
The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment ; The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment
The protection for the land rights of indigenous peoples in Latin America between a lack of application and a difficult implementation of the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights: the case of Paraguay – Despite being one of the first Latin-American countries to introduce in its own constitution the protection of indigenous peoples (1992), Paraguay is still far from implementing the constitutional parameter of protection. After three different decisions of Inter-American Court of Human Rights (2005, 2006, 2010), only few legislative dispositions provided for the reintegration of indigenous communities in their traditional lands. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights condemned the country in 2016 for its unjustified delay to apply Court's decisions.
The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment.
Sintomatologia e politica razziale in AustraliaRiassunto: Jindabyne (una pellicola girata da Ray Lawrence nel 2006) si apre con l'uccisione di una giovane donna aborigena; tuttavia il punto su cui questa pellicola effettivamente si concentra è il modo in cui la gente reagisce a questo delitto. Per questo motivo, questo film ci dice molte interessanti verità sui rapporti interrazziali nell'Australia di oggi. La mia proposta è quella di leggere Jindabyne come un'utile allegoria nazionale (nel senso dato a questo lemma da Jameson); il film è una mappa o una cartografia che ritrae i luoghi comuni politici e culturali nella fase storica attuale. Al fondo della mia ipotesi sta il fatto che non possa essere solo una coincidenza il fatto che Jindabyne dia un tale spazio al problema dell'apologia culturale in questa particolare congiuntura della storia australiana. Anche se questo aspetto del film ha avuto poco risalto in alcune delle recensioni che ne hanno accompagnato l'uscita, mi colpisce il carattere sintomatico della tempistica: si tratta di un tema che, come una volta Deleuze ebbe a dire a proposito della differenza, era già nell'aria. Prodotto solo due anni prima dell'apologia nazionale ufficiale del primo ministro australiano Kevin Rudd agli indigeni d'Australia il 13 febbraio 2008, Jindabyne risponde a un complesso insieme di problemi culturali che erano all'ordine del giorno della politica nazionale dal 1995, quando fu reso noto Bringing Them Home, il rapporto della Commissione sulle Pari Opportunità e sui Diritti Umani relativo all'inchiesta di carattere nazionale vertente sulla cosiddetta "Generazione Rubata".Parole chiave: Razza; Politica australiana; Diritti degli indigeni; Allegoria nazionale; Gilles Deleuze e Felix Guattari. Abstract: Jindabyne (a movie directed by Ray Lawrence, 2006) begins with the murder of a young aboriginal woman, but its real focus is the way people respond to this murder. In doing so, it tells several interesting truths about race relations in Australia today. I want to suggest that Jindabyne can usefully be read as a national allegory (in Jameson's sense of the word). It maps or diagrams the cultural and political tropes of the present moment in history. My basic hypothesis is that it cannot be a coincidence that Jindabyne should give such prominence to the cultural problematic of the apology at this particular juncture in Australia's history. Although this aspect of the film is scarcely mentioned in any of the reviews that accompanied the film's premier, it strikes me that the timing is symptomatic: it is a topic that as Deleuze once said about difference was very much in the air. Produced only two years before the official national apology the Prime Minister of Australia Kevin Rudd made to the Indigenous peoples of Australia on February 13, 2008, Jindabyne responds to a complex assemblage of cultural problematics that have been on the national political agenda ever since the release in 1995 of Bringing Them Home, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission's report on its national inquiry into the so-called "Stolen Generation".Keywords: Race; Australian Politics; Indigenous Rights; National Allegory; Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.
Questo articolo fornisce un contributo all'antropologia applicata esaminando lo sviluppo dell'"indigenismo" in America Latina a partire dagli anni '40. Nella prima parte dell'articolo vengono riassunti i risultati fondamentali del dibattito interamericano sull'"indigenismo": i significati del termine "indio", sia dal punto di vista teorico che da quello pratico (ad es. i censimenti); le due posizioni contrastanti, politica ed intellettuale, sull'"indigenismo" in relazione all'antropologia ed alle scienze sociali in generale; le varie conseguenze del movimento "indigenista" (nazionale e internazionale) e le loro caratteristiche politiche, economiche, legislative ed organizzative; ed infine gli scopi e le regole interne dell'azione indigenista organizzata.La seconda parte dell'articolo delinea l'esperienza indigenista brasiliana dal 1910 (creazione dello SPI - Serviço de Proteção aos Indios) al 1968 (soppressione dello SPI e sulla sostituzione con il FUNAI - Fundação Nacional do Indio).L'ultima parte dell'articolo introduce un'analisi comparativa delle molte varianti nazionali dell'"indigenismo" e mette in evidenza le variabili che condizionano e seguono queste politiche nazionali.This paper provides a contribution to applied anthropology by surveying the development of the "indigenous question" in Latin America in the last half of the century. The following basic issues in the inter-american debate on the "indigenous question" are summarized in the first part of the paper: the meanings of the term "indio", both in its theoretical and practical concerns (e.g. censuses); the contrasting political and intellectual positions on the "indigenous question", as related to anthropology and social sciences in general; the various outcomes of the "indigenous question" movement (national versus inter- national) and their political, economic, legislative and organizational characters; and, lastly, the goals and internal rules of the indigenous organized action.The second part of the paper outlines the Brazilian indigenous expe- rience from 1910 (establishment of SPI - Serviço de Proteção aos In- dios) to 1968 (suppression of SPI and take-over by FUNAI - Funda- ção Nacional do Indio).The last part of the paper introduces a comparative analysis of the many national variants of the "indigenous question" and emphasizes the variables conditioning and following those national policies.
This work examines the political legacy of colonialism in Kenya and the knock-on effect this has had on the current crisis of citizenship in Kenya. In colonial times, the British introduced indirect rule through the Provincial Administration, a hierarchical structure that imposed upon the urban and rural populace two distinct forms of political and legal identities: that of citizens and that of natives. In the rural areas, natives were governed according to "customary law" (which the colonisers called "tribal tradition"). This paper concentrates on this sphere of the colonial State because its consequences can still be felt today in rural areas -- in particular in terms of the recurrent violence resulting from a crisis of citizenship. In rural provinces, land represents the main source of income and means of survival. Land was managed by the Provincial Administration according to the logic of colonial power and, of course, to its benefit. During decolonisation and after independence, the same logic was applied by the African elites. An analysis of how Britain and post-colonial governments have ruled Kenya shows the need for a radical change in the approach originally adopted by the Provincial Administration. The European colonial outlook underpinning this approach is outmoded and dangerous as it fans the flames of contemporary social violence, which the media often characterises over-simplistically as ethnic conflict. Adapted from the source document.
The article presents the political and cultural milestones of the history of the Pankararé indigenous association in Sao Paulo, Brazil. The article deploys through the words of one of the leading persons involved in the set up of the Pankararé urban association, its leader Alaide Xavier Pereira Feitosa. The story of Alaide spans between the Sao Paulo urban area and the original Pankararé land in the state of Bahia, representing the journey of building indigenous space and claiming differentiated citizenship by defining their legitimacy through memory and ritual paths.
Le riforme costituzionali latinoamericane in tema di riconoscimento dei diritti dei popoli indigeni promuovono una lettura pluriculturale dello Stato ed una concezione partecipativa della democrazia, che rendono storicamente datati gli stilemi costituzionali di matrice europea. Dall'analisi delle riforme stesse emerge la necessità di passare dal piano dei 'riconoscimenti' a quello delle 'garanzie': il Defensor del pueblo, quale figura di consolidata tradizione giuridica latinoamericana, risplende di luce nuova per il rispetto dei diritti dei popoli indigeni. ; The Latin-American constitutional reforms, concerning the recognition of indigenous people's rights, promote a multicultural state and a participatory concept of democracy, it makes the European constitutional law hallmarks historically dated. By analyzing those reforms, the need to move from the 'acknowledgment' level to the 'guarantee' one has been recognized: the Defensor del pueblo, being a strong figure of Latin-American legal tradition, shines out new light in terms of the indigenous peoples rights respect.