Suchergebnisse

Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th Century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in Late Antiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. I.: lntroduction with the history of research and the manuscript tradition, Frontispice, Dedicatio, Imagines imperatorum, Natales Caesarum, the week of the planets, the months.

Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in LateAntiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. 2: Fasti Consulares, Praefecti urbis Romae 254 - 354 A.D., Cpomputus Paschalis, Depositio martyrum, Depositio Episcoporum, Catalogus Liberianus

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of cultural propaganda in formulating and conducting foreign policy aiming at political supremacy and cultural penetration within the overall context of the ideological conflict between East and West during the Cold War era. Educational and cultural exchanges and other events of a nominali}'' nonpolitical nature are examined within their political context. In particular, the paper observes Anglo-Soviet relations over Greece. These relations turned increasingly hostile in mid-February 1945. Around that time a marked intensification of Soviet propaganda occurred. In July 1945, the Greek-Soviet League was established. It is interesting that, in response, the British Foreign Office concidered that the British Council in Athens should be reinforced and acquire a permanent representative. It was also decided to reopen the question of the Anglo-Greek Cultural Convention that was signed in 1940 but never ratified. This presentation seeks to examine the purpose of establishing these two cultural agencies, their staffing, the funding of their activities, the content of their cultural programmes, and the profile of their Greek supporters, both state officials and private individuals. How successful was the effort by the British Council and the Greek-Soviet League to promote their cultural programmes and what was the impact of these programmes on Greek public opinion? How did their cultural initiatives continue during the Greek Civil War? On the basis of the sources available, did each agency, and if so to what degree, enjoy the support of the country it represented? The comparative study of British and Soviet cultural propaganda in Greece will contribute to understanding the differences and similarities in the means used by each country to achieve its political ends in Greece.

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Christos Loukos, The political and ideological conflicts in post-war Syros and the Hermoupolis' mayor Epaminondas Pappadam We observe, in the micro scale of Syros, the defeat of expectations held by many Greeks that after the liberation a democratic society, just to all citizens, would arise and that the new government would punish the collaborators of Italian and German conquerors and all those who became rich by exploiting the misery of the people through the black market. This article examines the short tenure of the first post-war mayor of Hermoupolis, Epaminondas Pappadam, and how his overthrow was pursued because he insisted in his democratic and antiroyalist convictions. The overthrow was prepared by individuals and groups of people who had served the Metaxas' dictatorial regime, and more than others were exposed to the accusation of collaborating with the enemy and they looked forward to the return of King George II as the only stable guarantee for maintaining their leadership role. Their aims were facilitated by the tragic events of December 1944 in Athens. Backed by the presence of several Sacred Battalion's officers, British officers and other military forces at Syros, they succeeded, not only to marginalize the EAM's small military force in the island and their supporters, but also to prohibit with offensive behavior every act which was not compatible with their aims. Under those circumstances, Pappadam should have overthrown. He was not a communist, not an EAM's supporter either, but he insisted to be against the king's return and supported the necessity of a conciliatory solution for the social and political contrasts. Besides, his overthrow would function, in a symbolic level, as a warning for forcing into obedience those, less powerful than the mayor, who resisted to the forthcoming settlement of the Greek constitutional and political issue.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The declaration of the establishment of the «Kingdom of Serbs, Groats and Slovenes» on the 1st of December, 1918 —which in 1929 was renamed to Yugoslavia— fulfilled the long standing desire for the political unification of all South-Slavs. However, the new State which apart from the three old kingdoms of Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia included the entities of the former Hungarian Vojvodina, the former Austrian Slovenia and Dalmatia and the Serbian Macedonia had to tackle certain problems. Its subjects were divided into several ethnic groups: Serbs, Croats and Slovenes —who constituted three quarters of its entire population— and Germans, Hungarians and Albanians as well as other ethnic minorities. The population of the new state was also divided into three religious categories: 47% were Orthodox Christians, 39% Catholics, and 11% Muslims. This paper attempts to analyze five constructive crises which came about in interwar Yugoslavia, and are characteristic of any modern state: 1) The crisis of identity of the state itself and of the various ethnic groups. The ideology of Yugoslavian unification failed to bridge the differences between the ethnic and religious groups; 2) The crisis of legitimacy. This is related with the nature of the regime. From 1918 until the dictatorship of 1929 twenty three governmental crises occured; 3) The crisis of integration, as reflected in the policies and the electoral results of the various political parties which had clear ethnic and geographical limits. During the interwar period none of the existing political parties attained to play this integrating role by securing mass support throughout the country; 4) The crisis of participation of individuals and social groups in controlling the public affairs and manning the state apparatus; 5) The crisis of distribution of goods and services. The ethnic and political contradictions between the Slovenes and Croats in the North and Serbs in the South resulted in the uneven development between these two geographical districts of the state.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Spyridon Ploumidis, The notion of 'death' in the Greek Revolution (1821-1832): Ideological perceptions and political practice The evolution of Greek nationalist ideas signified the passage from patria to the nation. The eruption of the revolution influenced the way the Greeks perceived the notion of 'death'. Since, the struggle for independence was massive, death also became collective. The Greek revolutionaries claimed that the Sultan was intent on slaughtering the entirety of the Greek nation. This was not true, yet the death toll of the Greek Revolution exceeded the traditional limits of earlier Christian rebellions, and the number of dead is estimated between 230,000 and 600,000. Massacres occurred beyond the limits of the Peloponnese (in Constantinople, Smyrna, Chios at el.), and every Greek-speaking Orthodox individual became a potential victim of the revengeful Ottomans. The Ottoman atrocities drew the imaginary geographical boundaries of the Greek 'national' space. Nevertheless, Greeks were not the only victims of the War of Independence. By 1833, around 63.000 Muslims ('Turks') were either killed or expelled from the territory of the Greek state. Vengeance and hatred against the 'Turks' was a tenet of the Greek revolutionary agenda. In addition to its new collective nature, the notion of 'death' acquired during the Greek Revolution a new, political meaning. Koraes and Rigas had already prepared the ground for the grounding of their fellow-Greeks in this new perception. 'Death' came to describe 'slavery', 'tyranny', 'oligarchy' and submission to the 'Turks'. Natural death came to be seen as preferable to a meaningless life without Koraes' 'natural rights' (equality, rule of law, etc.). To this end, the Third National Assembly of the Greeks pronounced in 1827 the notion of 'political death'. The term 'death' in the revolutionary motto 'Freedom or Death' (Ελευθερία ή Θάνατος), which drew on the French maxim La Liberté ou la Mort, had by and large this political significance. The determination of the Greek revolutionaries to achieve freedoms and rights at the cost of their life is found in several official declarations and statements. General Spyromilios clarified that (life or) 'death' was hence forward a matter of 'national existence' and not of 'personal existence', i.e. it was primarily a collective and political issue. This ideological development was an outcome of secularization. Secular freedom was deemed to be hierarchically a superior value to the religious tolerance, which the Orthodox enjoyed within the Ottoman millet system. For that matter, the attainment of independence in 1830 was hailed by the protagonists as the 'resurrection' of the Greek nation.