The author claims that classical liberalism solely recognizes the individualist perspective of maximizing individual profit & totally bypasses the issue of solidarity. Only as the consequence of workers' movement & the Marxist critique of the freewheeling market did the welfare state emerge to make up for the lack of solidarity. The welfare state, however, is based on a combination of the opposing principles: freedom & social justice, the state of law & social responsibility, the right to an unfettered individual development & the limitations to individual freedom through welfare institutions. The contradictions & the crisis of the welfare state have resulted in a series of criticisms. Contrary to the liberal & social-democratic critique, the author bases his position on the precepts of a bourgeois society as an ambience of civic solidarity. Such an attitude takes the civic responsibility for granted not only regarding legal & political but also social prerequisites for practicing civic autonomy. Adapted from the source document.
The author claims that classical liberalism solely recognizes the individualist perspective of maximizing individual profit & totally bypasses the issue of solidarity. Only as the consequence of workers' movement & the Marxist critique of the freewheeling market did the welfare state emerge to make up for the lack of solidarity. The welfare state, however, is based on a combination of the opposing principles: freedom & social justice, the state of law & social responsibility, the right to an unfettered individual development & the limitations to individual freedom through welfare institutions. The contradictions & the crisis of the welfare state have resulted in a series of criticisms. Contrary to the liberal & social-democratic critique, the author bases his position on the precepts of a bourgeois society as an ambience of civic solidarity. Such an attitude takes the civic responsibility for granted not only regarding legal & political but also social prerequisites for practicing civic autonomy. Adapted from the source document.
Autorica u tekstu polazi od premise da je politički subjekt neoliberalizma, vladajuće političke racionalnosti, individua koja se može okarakterizirati kao isključivi i nepodijeljeni posjednik samog sebe. Preispitivanjem tropa ne/ovisnosti razlažu se pretpostavke koje su uključene u pojam individue, a potom se, analizom konteksta njegove upotrebe u 19. stoljeću, pokazuje da je on bremenit genealogijama koje ograničavaju njegovu političku upotrebljivost u 21. stoljeću. Misliti protiv neoliberalizma zahtijeva napuštanje ideje individue kao suverenog vlasnika koji vlada sobom. Promišljanje alternativnog političkog horizonta, traganje za homo politicus-om koji se uistinu razlikuje od homo oeconomicus-a, iziskuje napuštanje političkog mišljenja koje polazi od pojedinca. ; The text is based on two premises. The first is that we live in the times of neoliberalism, and the second is that the political subject of neoliberalism is the individual, the "one" qualified as indivisible, independent, sole owner of one's self. To define what an individual is, I will revisit several 19th-century claims which at the same time posit individual as an empty universal – anyone qualifies for entitlement of an individual – and reveal it as profoundly exclusionary – as the holder of entitlements. I will claim that the indivisibility of an individual is also the basis for its understanding as sovereign and self-actualized. Liberal politicization of a sovereign possessor of interests introduces not only homo oeconomicus, but it also integrates economic mode of governmentality into the sphere of the political, it becoming a space of incessant play of exclusions and inclusions. If another kind of political imaginary is to be developed, I argue we need to distance ourselves from the figure of the individual, bearing in mind that homo oeconomicus triumphs today as the exhaustive figure of the human, amidst the patently unequal distribution not only of precarity but also of vulnerability. Critical engagement with neoliberalism assumes engaging with the political centrality of a figure of an agentic individual.
Cilj rada je razjasniti pojam transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti kao i razmotriti mogućnosti i preduvjete njezine realizacije u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu. Rad započinje opisom 'slike' prirode učenika koja se smatra potrebnom za praktičnu realizaciju ovog oblika kreativnosti. Pritom se naglašava činjenica ljudske nesvršenost i mogućnost kontinuiranoga razvoja. Kao metoda ostvarenja transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti preuzima se dijalog shvaćen kao otvoreno iskazivanje i dijeljenja vlastitih misli, ideja i težnji s drugim ljudima bez skrivanja i straha od mogućih neuspjeha ili neugodnih iskustava. Budući da se institucionalizirani odgojno-obrazovni proces odvija u učionicama, opisuje se učionica kao zajednički prostor nade koji omogućava demokratsko angažiranje i borbu za promjene situiran u kontekstu širih zajedničkih prostora demokratskoga i aktivističkoga djelovanja. Demokratizacija učionica omogućava postavljanje socijalnih pitanja, prelaženje granica te kritičko propitivanje dominantnoga neoliberalnog diskursa te je stoga neophodan element aktivistički shvaćene kreativnosti. Dijalog kao sredstvo, i dijaloški pristup kao metoda kreativnog djelovanja, usmjereni su poništavanju efekata prevladavajućega elitističkog shvaćanja koje kreativnost prikazuje izoliranu od društva i namijenjenu posebno imaginativnim pojedincima. U radu se iskazuje stav kako nije vjerojatno da će u skoroj budućnosti doći do promjene dominantnoga shvaćanja kreativnosti u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu koje kreativnost promatra kao transformaciju postojećega. Razloge za ovakvo stanje nalazimo u dominantnom ekonomsko-političkom uređenju društva u cjelini, te odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava kao jednoga od društvenih podsustava. ; The aim of this paper is to clarify the notion of a transcendental-activist creativity as well as to consider the possibilities and preconditions for its realization in the educational process. The paper begins with the description of the 'image' of pupil's nature that is considered necessary for the practical realization of this form of creativity. The experience of human non-completion and the possibility of continuous development is emphasized. Dialogue, as a method of practical realization of transcendental-activist creativity, is understood as an open expression and sharing of one's own thoughts, ideas and aspirations with other people without hiding and fear of possible failures or unpleasant experiences. Since the institutionalized educational process takes place in the classrooms, the classroom is described as a shared space of hope which enables democratic engagement and struggle for changes in the context of the wider shared spaces of democratic and activist action. Democratization of classrooms, which is a necessary element of transcendental-activist creativity, creates a climate that sets the necessary conditions for discussion of social issues, crossing of preconceived boundaries and critical questioning of dominant neoliberal discourse. Dialogue as a medium and a dialogic approach as a method of creative agency is directed to the reversal of the effects of a traditional elitist concept of creativity that is treated isolated from a wider society and addressed exclusively to particularly talented individuals. The author feels that it is unlikely that in the near future a change in the dominant conception of creativity in the educational process will occur and therefor creativity will continue to be predominately defined a transformation of the existing. Reasons for this state of affair are situated in the dominant economic and political mode of organization of the society as a whole, and the educational system as a one of social subsystems.
U radu se ljubav poima kao kulturna pojava čije značenje je, za pojedinca, rezultat različitih diskursa o ljubavi. Dok je jedan od njih diskurs o romantičnoj ljubavi te ulazak u brak, koji se na nju nadovezuje, a potom i zasnivanje obitelji (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012), diskurs o demokratskoj i fluidnoj ljubavi obuhvaća "odstupanja" od takva slijeda (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). Uvidom u različite narative, znanstvene i kolokvijalne, u radu se problematizira stvaranje predodžbi o budućoj ljubavnoj vezi i braku. ; In the paper love is perceived as a cultural phenomenon the significance of which – for the individual – is the result of different discourses on love. One of them is the discourse on romantic love and its follow-up, marriage and family (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012). On the other hand, the discourse on democratic and fluid love covers "departures" from such a sequence (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). After due consideration of different (scientific and colloquial) narratives, the paper problematises the development of ideas about future love relationships and marriage.
Uvod: U Hrvatskoj, smrtnost od raka debelog crijeva (RDC) viša je u usporedbi s prosjekom država članica Europske unije (EU). U Hrvatskoj se od 2007. godine provodi Nacionalni program ranog otkrivanja raka debelog crijeva (NPRDC), s ciljem smanjenja smrtnosti od RDC, otkrivanja bolesti u ranijem stadiju, poboljšanja mogućnosti liječenja i kvalitete života oboljelih. Prema Europskim smjernicama za osiguranje kvalitete probira i dijagnostike, prihvatljiv odaziv u NPRDC je najmanje 45%, koji u Hrvatskoj do sada nije postignut. Cilj: Cilj ovoga rada je procijeniti učinak javno-zdravstvene intervencije kućnog posjeta studenata medicine osobama uključenim u NPRDC na odaziv na test na okultno krvarenje (Hemocult test). Metode: Uzorak za intervenciju činili su sve žene i muškarci uključeni u NPRDC iz dva naselja (Vetovo i Kaptol) u Požeško-slavonskoj županiji. U Vetovu je provedena intervencija (N=338), a osobe iz Kaptola uzete su kao kontrolna skupina (N=417). Intervenciju kućnim posjetima su provodili studenti završne godine studija medicine uz koordinaciju Zavoda za javno zdravstvo Požeško-slavonske županije. Osobama koje su pristale sudjelovati u intervenciji objašnjen je razlog dolaska, provedeno je informiranje o važnosti sudjelovanja u NP kroz anketom vođeni razgovor te im je ponuđen Hemocult test uz detaljne upute o primjeni. Prikupljeni podatci obrađeni su u programu Microsoft Office Excel metodama deskriptivne statistike. Rezultati: Prije provedbe intervencije u Vetovu je odaziv u sklopu NPRDC (osobe koje su dale suglasnost za Hemocult test/osobe pozvane u NPRDC) bio 14,4%, a u Kaptolu 18,6%; χ2 (1)=1,177, p>0,05. Nakon provedbe intervencije, odaziv u Vetovu bio je 45,7%, a u Kaptolu 21%; χ2 (1)=29,986, p0,05. Nakon provedbe intervencije, odaziv u Vetovu bio je 24,7%, a u Kaptolu 15,1% (bez intervencije); χ2 (1)=6,317, p=0,012. Zaključak: U naselju gdje je provedena intervencija u obliku kućnih posjeta, postignut je značajno veći obuhvat neodazvanih osoba na Hemocult test, u usporedbi sa susjednim naseljem sličnih karakteristika, gdje su provedene uobičajeni postupci pozivanja osoba predviđeni protokolom u sklopu NPRDC. Rezultati rada ukazuju na važnost individualnog pristupa u javno-zdravstvenoj praksi u unapređenju provedbe NPRDC. ; Introduction: Colorectal cancer (CC) mortality in Croatia is higher than average of European Union (EU) member states. From 2007, National Colorectal Cancer Screening Program (NPCC) has been conducted in Croatia, with aim of reducing CC mortality, detecting illness in early stage, better treatment options and life quality improvement. According to European Guidelines for Quality Assurance of Screening and Diagnosis of CC, acceptable response rate to screening is at least 45%, which hasn't been reached in Croatia so far. Aim: The aim of this study was to evaluate impact of public health intervention in form of home visits made by medical students, on Hemoccult test to persons included in NPCC. Methods: The sample for intervention was persons included in NPCC from two settlements, Vetovo and Kaptol in Požega-Slavonia County. Intervention was performed in Vetovo (N=338), while participants from Kaptol served as control group (N=417). Home visits were conducted by final year of study medical students in coordination with Public Health Institute of Požega-Slavonia County. Students explained reason for visit, importance of participation in NP to persons who agreed to participate in intervention, using standardized survey interview, and offered Hemocult test with detailed explanation of how to use it. The data were processed in Microsoft Office Excel using descriptive statistic methods. Results: Before intervention, response rate within NPCC (persons who signed consent for Hemocult test/persons invited to NPCC) in Vetovo was 14.4% and 18.6% in Kaptol; χ2 (1)=1.177, p>0.05. After intervention, response rate in Vetovo was 45.7% and in Kaptol 21.0%; χ2 (1)=29.986, p0.05. After intervention, response rate to Hemocult test in Vetovo was 24.7%, and 15.1% in Kaptol (without intervention); χ2 (1)=6.317, p=0.012. Conclusion: In settlement where home visits intervention was performed, a significantly higher response rates on Hemocult test was achieved, compared with neighbouring settlement of similar characteristics, where usual NPCC protocol was followed. Results of the study implied importance of individual approach in public health practice in improvement of NPCC performance.
Od Teorije pravednosti do Prava narodâ liberalizam Johna Rawlsa razvija se od individualizma do jednog specifičnog oblika tzv. »komunitarističkog liberalizma«. U Teoriji Rawls će govoriti o pojedincu i njegovoj dužnosti izbjegavanja rata (građanskom neposlušnošću) dok će u Pravu narodâ govoriti o društvu i dužnosti dobro uređenih naroda na pokretanje rata ako su ugrožena ljudska prava. Prva je perspektiva individualna i miroljubiva, dok je druga društvena i ne čini se baš pacifističkom. Prva kao da je protumačena iz perspektive običnog građanina liberalne ustavne demokracije, dok je druga više nalik tumačenju nekoga tko ima moć. U tom razvoju Rawlsova liberalizma intrigira potencijalni sukob između pojedinca i društva što je osobito uočljivo u njegovu shvaćanju odbijanja sudjelovanja ili opravdanja sudjelovanja u ratu. ; From the Theory of Justice to the Law of Peoples liberalism of John Rawls develops from individualism to one specific form of the so¬called "Communitarian liberalism". In the Theory Rawls discussed the individual and his duty to avoid war (civil disobedience), while in the Law of Peoples he discussed society and the duties of well¬organized Nations to launch war if human rights are endangered. The first perspective is individualistic and peaceful, while the other is more social and does not seem too pacifist. The first seems interpreted from the perspective of an ordinary citizen of liberal constitutional democracy, while the other is more like an interpretation from someone who holds the power. In that development of Rawls' liberalism, what is intriguing is the potential conflict between individuals and society, which is particularly evident in his understanding of refusal to participate or justification to participate in war.
Svrha je rada upotpuniti spoznaje o populizmu u kontekstu hrvatskoga društva, s naglaskom na prihvaćanju populizma među mladima kao nositeljima budućega društvenog razvoja. Budući da su za istraživanje sklonosti populizmu mediji, kao oblikovatelji javnoga mišljenja, među najvažnijim izvorima relevantnih spoznaja, posebna se pozornost posvećuje odnosu upotrebe dnevnoinformativnih portala i prihvaćanju populizma. Istraživanje je provedeno na dvoetapno izabranom neprobabilističkom uzorku od 1189 studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, kako bi se utvrdili odnosi između sklonosti studenata općem, lijevom i desnom populizmu te njihovih navika upotrebe dnevnoinformativnih portala i nekih individualnih obilježja. Rezultati pokazuju kako kod studenata postoje trendovi niske, ali značajne povezanosti između upotrebe većine portala i sklonosti općem, lijevom i desnom populizmu. Utvrđena je povezanost obrazovanja roditelja sa studentskom sklonosti lijevom i desnom populizmu te razlike u tim sklonostima u odnosu na sociodemografska obilježja, razinu studija, studijsko usmjerenje, političku orijentaciju, religioznost i povjerenje u institucije. ; The purpose of the paper is to fulfil the findings on populism in the context of Croatian society, with an emphasis on the acceptance of populism among young people as bearers of the future social development. Media, as a form of public opinion, are among the most important sources of relevant insights for the study of the rise of populism. The paper pays special attention to the relationship between the use of daily news portals, and the acceptance of populism. The study was conducted on a two-stage non-probabilistic sample of 1189 students of the University of Zagreb, in order to determine the relationships between students' preferences in general, left-wing and right-wing populism, their habits of using daily news portals, and some individual characteristics. The results show that there is a low but significant correlation between the use of most portals, and the preference for general, left- -wing and right-wing populism among students. The correlation between the education of parents with student preferences of left-wing and right-wing populism was found, as well as differences in these preferences with respect to some sociodemographic characteristics, level of study, study orientation, political orientation, religiosity and trust in institutions.
Senior representatives of the Venetian Republic inspired distinguished noblemen and rich citizens in Venice, as well as in Terraferma and Stato da Mar, to perpetuate their memory through lavish commemorative monuments that were erected in churches and convents. Their endeavour for self-promotion and their wish to monopolise glory could be detected in the choice of material for the busts that adorned almost every monument: marble. The most elaborate monument of this kind belongs to the Brutti family, erected in 1695 in Koper Cathedral. In 1688 the Town of Labin ordered a marble bust of local hero Antonio Bollani and placed it on the facade of the parish church. Fine examples of family glorification could be found in the capital of Venetian Dalmatia – Zadar. In the Church of Saint Chrysogonus, there is a monument to the provveditore Marino Zorzi, adorned with a marble portrait bust. Rather similar is the monument to condottiere Simeone Fanfogna in Zadar's Benedictine Church of Saint Mary and the monument to the military engineer Francesco Rossini in Saint Simeon. All these monuments embellished with portrait busts have a common purpose: to ensure the everlasting memory of important individuals. This paper analyses comparative examples, models, artists, as well as the desires of clients or authorities that were able to invest money in self or family promotion, thus creating the identity of success.
By "collective" human rights we understand the ones that belong to a collective. We should distinguish the individual rights, which can be exercised only collectively (suffrage). The demands for "collective" human rights lead to misconceptions & explanatory problems since the universal, egalitarian, & categorical postulate of human rights cannot be equally valid for collectives & individuals. Thus, the protection of minorities' interests can be solely procured by adopting a restricted definition of individual human rights, which necessitates more & better respected social human rights. In some cases, collective rights were designed to protect endangered minorities but were justified by means of equalizing fairness. However, such collective rights are not possible at the level of human rights; they are regulated by special by-laws at the state level. Thus, they are restricted by the requirement that they do not violate individual human rights. Adapted from the source document.
U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.
The fundamental attitude of genuine individualism is humility toward the process by which humankind has achieved things that are not designed or comprehended by a single individual & that go beyond individual acumen. It remains to be seen whether human reason is to confine itself with the chains of its own design. Individualism teaches us that the society is bigger than the individual only when free. When controlled or directed, it is limited to the powers of individual brains that control or direct it. If the presumptuousness of modern spirit that dismisses everything not consciously controlled by the individual mind is not checked in time, Edmund Burke cautions that we may "be sure everything around us is to gradually disappear, until our interests eventually shrink to the dimensions of our brains.". Adapted from the source document.
The fundamental attitude of genuine individualism is humility toward the process by which humankind has achieved things that are not designed or comprehended by a single individual & that go beyond individual acumen. It remains to be seen whether human reason is to confine itself with the chains of its own design. Individualism teaches us that the society is bigger than the individual only when free. When controlled or directed, it is limited to the powers of individual brains that control or direct it. If the presumptuousness of modern spirit that dismisses everything not consciously controlled by the individual mind is not checked in time, Edmund Burke cautions that we may "be sure everything around us is to gradually disappear, until our interests eventually shrink to the dimensions of our brains.". Adapted from the source document.
By "collective" human rights we understand the ones that belong to a collective. We should distinguish the individual rights, which can be exercised only collectively (suffrage). The demands for "collective" human rights lead to misconceptions & explanatory problems since the universal, egalitarian, & categorical postulate of human rights cannot be equally valid for collectives & individuals. Thus, the protection of minorities' interests can be solely procured by adopting a restricted definition of individual human rights, which necessitates more & better respected social human rights. In some cases, collective rights were designed to protect endangered minorities but were justified by means of equalizing fairness. However, such collective rights are not possible at the level of human rights; they are regulated by special by-laws at the state level. Thus, they are restricted by the requirement that they do not violate individual human rights. Adapted from the source document.
